The importance of attachment to an ideological group in multi-party systems: Evidence from Israel

Abstract

In this research, we examine the role of attachment to an ideological group as a source of stability in a volatile multi-party system. In two studies conducted in Israel ( N = 1320), we show that a multi-item Attachment to an Ideological Group (AIG) scale is strongly tied to vote choice and political engagement, and its effects are independent of, and more powerful than, issue-based ideology and partisan identity strength. Compared to individuals with a weak ideological attachment, those who score highly on the AIG scale are more likely to vote for a party from their ideological camp and participate in politics. Moreover, in two survey experiments, respondents high in AIG displayed stronger anger or enthusiasm—known harbingers of political action—in response to threat or reassurance to their ideological group’s status, attesting to a link between AIG and political engagement. Our findings underscore the importance of ideological group attachments in a volatile multi-party system.

The antecedents of voter loyalty and the mediation role of party attachment: A case study from Turkey

“…Even though scholars in politics use the notion of party attachment (e.g., Oshri et al, 2021; Settle et al, 2009), party identification is more commonly used as a term to express the ties between self and a political party (Campbell et al, 1960; Greene, 2004; Jacoby, 1988). In this regard, party identification means a “sense of personal attachment which the individual feels toward the [party] of his (sic) choice” (Campbell et al, 1954, pp.…”

Left-Right Social Identity and the Polarization of Political Tolerance

“…In a series of survey experiments in the US and West European countries, for example, Huddy and her coauthors (2015, 2018) show how partisan social identities, in the face of challenging information, motivate a defense of the in-party, producing the vilification of threatening out-parties, and generating action-oriented emotions that increase political activity, even after controlling for instrumental or issue-based concerns (see also Mason 2018a). And in a recent study, Oshri, Yair, and Huddy (2022) employ a similar measure of left-right social identity to predict the political activism of leftists and rightists in Israel’s multi-party system.…”

“…And why are left–right social identities likely to be such strong predictors of political responses in Israel? One reason is that Israel has a multi-party system, with dozens of parties, many of which come and go from one election to the next, making identification with a Left or Right bloc much more important for most voters than partisan identities (e.g., Ventura 2001; Oshri, Yair, and Huddy 2022). In addition, Israel has lived under the threat of constant attack for much of its history, being involved in several armed conflicts and suffering from organized and deadly terror campaigns.…”

“…Equally important, while identity convergence and “mega-identities” have been increasing in the US (Mason 2018b), Left–Right identities have been socially sorted along religious and ethnic lines in Israel for decades. Secular Jews, for example, are far more aligned with the Left, while more Orthodox Jews are aligned with the Right (Shamir and Arian 1999; Oshri et al 2022).…”

Response Decoupling and Partisans' Evaluations of Politicians' Transgressions

“…Accordingly, this study focused on Israelis’ evaluations of this transgression by Netanyahu, one of the most important, and polarizing, political figures in Israel over the last 25 years (e.g., Oshri et al, 2021 ; Tsfati et al, 2021 ; Yair, 2021 ). Specifically, we expected that supporters of Netanyahu, mostly rightists, would evaluate this transgression as less inappropriate compared to those opposing Netanyahu, mostly leftists and centrists.…”