The importance of economic, social and cultural capital in understanding health inequalities: using a Bourdieu‐based approach in research on physical and mental health perceptions

Abstract

In this article we adopt a Bourdieu-based approach to study social inequalities in perceptions of mental and physical health. Most research takes into account the impact of economic or social capital on health inequalities. Bourdieu, however, distinguishes between three forms of capital that can determine peoples' social position: economic, social and cultural capital. Health research examining the effects of cultural capital is scarce. By simultaneously considering and modelling indicators of each of Bourdieu's forms of capital, we further the understanding of the dynamics of health inequalities. Using data from a large-scale representative survey (N = 1825) in Flanders, Belgium, we find that each of the forms of capital has a net effect on perceptions of physical and mental health, which persists after controlling for the other forms of capital and for the effects of other correlates of perceived health. The only exception is that the cultural capital indicators are not related to mental health. These results confirm the value of a Bourdieu-based approach and indicate the need to consider economic, social and cultural capital to obtain a better understanding of social inequality in health.

Why are Depressive Symptoms More Prevalent Among The Less Educated? The Relevance of Low Cultural Capital and Cultural Entitlement

“…The same goes for one's amount of embodied cultural capital. Our findings resonate with highly influential sociological literature stressing the intrinsic connection between educational attainment and cultural capital (see, e.g., Bourdieu 1984) and expands on studies suggesting that cultural capital might play an important role in mental health issues (see, e.g., Abel 2008;Pinxten and Lievens 2014) by offering a specific interpretation and empirical test of this role.…”

“…We are certainly not the first to claim that cultural capital is relevant for understanding social gradients in mental health (see, e.g., Abel 2008;Pinxten and Lievens 2014), nor do we claim that the mechanism we formulate is the only way in which cultural capital might be relevant. After all, affinity with elite or legitimate culture is more encompassing than what its standard indicators in stratification research-level of education (often referred to as "institutionalized cultural capital") and highbrow cultural consumption (indicating one's "embodied cultural capital"; DiMaggio 1982; Jaeger and Breen 2016)-account for.…”

“…As Marmot and Wilkinson (2001) highlighted, individual income can influence general health in two ways. First, income is directly related to health through the material conditions and the resources it provides to secure basic needs and, ultimately, health (Pinxten and Lievens 2014). Income also influences mental health through the social and emotional meaning it implies: Income shapes evaluations of relative social status, and this may influence factors like life satisfaction and depression (Diener et al 1993:196).…”

“…Building on earlier suggestions of the relevance of cultural capital for mental health issues (Abel, 2008;Pinxten and Lievens, 2014), we formulated and empirically tested a specific mechanism through which cultural capital could contribute to a better understanding of the relationship between education and depression. In short, we argue that an individual's cultural capital shapes a sense of "cultural entitlement," which entails a sense of being a relevant and legitimate citizen who matters in society.…”

Social innovations as a way to overcome health inequalities

“…Согласно определению ВОЗ, под социальным неравенством в отношении здоровья подра-зумеваются устойчивые социально детерминированные различия в состоянии здоровья отдель-ных социально-экономических групп, которые не являются непреодолимыми [8].…”