The interaction of elite networks in the Pinochet regime's macroeconomic policies

Abstract

The Chilean military regime offered a prime example of interactions among elite groups in the making of macroeconomic policies. Through the lens of both Bourdieu's field theory and Mills's elite coordination through networks, we show how Chilean elites sought to implement these policies despite being divided by their transnational and national ties. We have constructed an original database on the 62 most influential individuals within the space of macroeconomic policies using a variety of descriptive methods (multiple correspondence analysis, cluster analysis, and social network analysis), only used on very few occasions to study South American elites. We explore the internal divisions in these elites in terms of their orientation to national and transnational capital and biographical trajectories. We identify three groups – high‐ranking military officers, Chicago academic economists, and public and private sector professionals. Military officers were mostly endowed with national assets, while civilian groups relied on transnational resources. Moreover, the Chicago economists, characterized by their transnational and scientific legitimacy, were the closest to influential state positions overall (the Ministry of the Treasury and the Central Bank). Finally, we categorize the same three groups through (national and transnational) network ties. Organizational ties between those groups were significant, particularly among Chicago economists and professionals, which suggests an intense coordination process, facilitated by transnational affiliations and profile.

The politics of energy privatization in Latin America: Contours and directions

“…Research on the role of technocrats illuminate mechanisms through which neoliberal policies become incorporated into Latin American governments. From the famous “Chicago Boys” in Pinochet's Chile that were closest to influential state positions and in networked coordination with military officers and private sector professionals (Gautier Morin & Rossier, 2021) to the ways corruption and clientelism can undermine utility services in Mexico (Herrera, 2017), these studies examine the internal government systems and relationships that explain the transition to neoliberal policies as well as their administration. For instance, Sarah Babb's (2002) study argues that the transition to neoliberalism in Mexico was not coerced or imposed from above, nor did Mexico attempt to imitate other nations.…”

From integrated to fragmented elites. The core of Swiss elite networks 1910–2015

“…The network was built based on the idea that the elites that sit on the same organization at the same time know each other and interact within decision‐making bodies. Therefore, network ties not only mean connections between individuals and institutions (Gautier Morin & Rossier, 2021 ), but also among individuals who cultivate relations of knowledge, acquaintance, acknowledgement and interactions within important decision‐making processes that potentially impact Swiss society as a whole. As a result, we did not build the network of each individual during their entire career, but rather focused on their precise interactions with other elite members at a given benchmark year.…”

Exiting the periphery: Possible pathways towards a socio‐economic and institutional de‐marginalization of places

“…In this respect, a contribution can come from social movements of a progressive type, which can bring previously unknown issues or, to some extent, support the inclusion of previously excluded social groups into politics. Processes of this kind can foster the emergence of intra‐oligarchical conflicts, which are needed to overcome vicious cycles of powerful elites (Gautier Mirin & Rossier, 2021; Lachmann, 2020), although they are not always sufficient. In the presence of internal conflicts, in fact, elites may succeed in reproducing themselves by incorporating outsiders, that is, citizens excluded from the inner circles of power, through co‐optation mechanisms, without producing positive externalities (Bro, 2022).…”

“…In sum, two dimensions are crucial to understanding the possibility that transformative groups can supplant predatory elites: (1) the level of coordination of the elites, that is, the more the emergence of progressive movements fragments them, the more likely it is to open up the possibility of supplanting the old power groups and (2) the ability on the part of social movements to insert themselves within the field of politics – in Bourdieu's sense (Gautier Mirin & Rossier, 2021) – that is, new logics of action, dynamics of interaction, and forms of symbolic capital, for example, the issue of emancipating the province from its condition of marginality and building a new sense of belonging.…”