The Justice and Development Party: Turkey's Experience With Islam, Democracy, Liberalism, and Secularism

Çınar, Alev

doi:10.1017/s0020743811000651

Cited by 22 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 3 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Kisakurek (Atasoy, 2009). However, it could not be denied that what AKP developed was a form of Islamic-nationalism (Cınar, 2011). These phenomena displayed the responsive nature of Islamist groups towards transformations.…”

Section: Turkey's New Image?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…AKP's triumph in 2002 has prompted debates and controversies, both within the context of Turkish domestic and international politics. The main factor which drives these debates and controversies to emerge is AKP's stance as a liberal party with a predominantly Islamicbased supporters in Turkish democratic and secular system (Cınar, 2011). Throughout its modern history, Turkish political dynamics are mostly framed within the centre-periphery or Kemalism-Islamism frameworks (Kubicek, 2020).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…AKP has received accusations of putting forward Islamist, Neo-Ottomanist, and Anti-Secularist stances as it attempts to wipe out Kemalism, which has not only been going on for the past few years, but since it stepped into Turkish politics. Such assumption is strengthened by Cınar's (2011) argument that AKP's victory in 2002 has triggered debates and controversies, both at the domestic and international levels.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Turkish Islam-Nationalism Under AKP: A New Model for the Muslim World?

Tobing

Nurwijoyo

2021

JPI

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The Justice and Development Party’s (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi/AKP) activities in bridging Islam and nationalism marks a historic milestone in Turkey’s democracy. Throughout its two decades-long leadership, AKP, under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s leadership, demonstrated that nationalism and Islam do not clash with Turkey’s stance on secularism. Such understanding provides AKP with a strategic leverage, both at the domestic and international level, especially within the Muslim world. Reflecting upon Rustow’s democratic transition model and Ibn Khaldun’s classic conceptualisation on ashabiyyah, this article attempts to comprehend how Turkish nationalism is formulated within its relations with Islam as AKP’s political roots. Aside from consolidating its political power at the domestic level, this article suggests that the Islam and democracy synthesis provides an opportunity for Turkey to strengthen its political image and position in the region. In a much broader context, this article attempts to contribute to academic discussions on the relationship between religion and states which undergo the process of democratisation.

show abstract

Section: Turkey's New Image?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Turkish Islam-Nationalism Under AKP: A New Model for the Muslim World?

Tobing

Nurwijoyo

2021

JPI

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Scholars explain democratic breakdowns in modern Turkey by civil-military interactions, the structure of the party system, or legacies of Kemalist reforms (1923)(1924)(1925)(1926)(1927)(1928)(1929)(1930)(1931)(1932)(1933)(1934)(1935)(1936)(1937)(1938) on secularization, liberties, and minority rights (Carkoglu, 2011;Cizre, 2004;Çınar, 2011;Güler & Bölücek, 2016;Sayari, 2016;Toprak, 2005b). I do not dispute these arguments and do not seek to explain causes of democratic breakdown in Turkey.…”

Section: Figurementioning

confidence: 99%

Recurring authoritarian revivals: Evidence from Ottoman and Republican Turkey

Taraktas

2023

Preprint

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This study considers recurrent authoritarian revivals. Unlike conventional studies that focus on authoritarian survival and durability, I study the periodicity of regime changes. Using the cases of Ottoman (18761918) and Republican (1923-1960) (2002-2017) Turkey, I show that recurrent authoritarian revivals are more likely in societies where anti-status quo groups assume power upon overthrowing an oppressive regime, begin reforming old institutions, and face dissent. Such governments are more prone to turning authoritarian because they feel menaced by dissent and choose repression over compromise. Repression initially targets old elites but extends to other dissenters as governments do not tolerate alternative reform projects. Cooperation does not arise because uncertainty, distrust, and past repression perpetuate the fear of survival. This article contributes to the regimes and institutionalism literatures by systematically studying an undertheorized issue and offering a mechanistic explanation of recurrent institutional outcomes based on government-opposition interactions and positive feedback.

show abstract

“… 3 The Islamism of the AKP is widely debated. While some have argued that the AKP is not an Islamist but rather a “conservative democrat” (Hale and Özbudun 2010; Çayır 2008) or a “conservative globalists” party (Öniş 2007), others have maintained that it is an Islamist party, which is evident in its national ideology that posits Turkey as an Ottoman-Islamic civilization (Çınar 2011), or in its endorsement of Muslim nationalism (White 2013). …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%