The relationship between irony and sarcasm has been much discussed and yet there is still little agreement on how the two relate at a theoretical level, as Attardo (2000:795) notes 'there is no consensus on whether irony and sarcasm are essentially the same thing […] or if they differ significantly'. The aim of this paper is to take a user-perspective and report on how participants in everyday conversations in the UK and Italy talk about irony and sarcasm and what kinds of authentic behaviours are described using these labels. These findings are discussed with reference to the academic concepts of irony and sarcasm to investigate how the lay and academic perspectives relate.
IntroductionThis paper addresses the 'thorny relationship' (Dynel, forthcoming) between irony and sarcasm. These are both commonly discussed in terms of their im/politeness potential, as evidenced in their inclusion in taxonomies of both politeness (e.g. Brown & Levinson 1987) impoliteness (e.g. Culpeper 1996). The analysis of these features in this paper takes a firstorder perspective, that is to say I start by examining how irony and sarcasm are talked about in everyday conversation and identify what kinds of behaviour are actually labelled as ironic and sarcastic. Such user perspectives are compared with the second-order 'theoretical construct' (Watts et al. 1992) which is most commonly associated with academic study.
First-order and second-order im/politenessThe first-order/second-order distinction originates with work by Watts et al. (1992) who state that:2 We take first-order politeness to correspond to the various ways in which polite behaviour is perceived and talked about by members of socio-cultural groups. It encompasses, in other words, commonsense notions of politeness. Second-order politeness, on the other hand, is a theoretical construct, a term within a theory of social behaviour and language usage Watts et al. (1992:3) Thus, the first/second order distinction allows us to separate out our lay understanding and evaluations of behaviour as members of a given community of practice, and our conceptualisations as social scientists investigating the relationship between language and social interaction. Second-order politeness is an interpretation and theorisation which aims to explain the phenomena observed as first-order politeness (Eelen 2001:44).This distinction between first and second-order understandings becomes highly significant in our field because politeness exists as both a folk concept and a scientific concept. Eelen (2001: 33) draws on Vygotsky's (1968) distinction between spontaneous concepts and scientific concepts to clarify the discussion. Whereas spontaneous concepts are viewed as being driven by experience of the phenomena, scientific concepts are detached from day to day reality, and pre-defined. From Vygotsky, Eelen takes the examples of 'brother' and 'Archimedean law' as examples of spontaneous and scientific concepts respectively. We might equally take terms like 'politeness' and 'phoneme'...