The Making of the Good Neighbor Policy

Wood, Bryce

doi:10.7312/wood93768

Cited by 99 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…Within certain ranges, the differentials have been highly volatile. In the Dominican Republic the differential rose by more than 100 per cent between 1950 and 1960, and in Venezuela by more than 50 per cent. There have been, however, no secular trends and no massive changes in the ranges within which these differentials fluctuated, either over time or depending on the statistics, for Latin American overall.…”

Section: Values Of Differentials (Ratios) Between Maximum and Minimum...mentioning

confidence: 96%

“…Diplomatic relations between the United States and Latin America have revolved around the issue of control and distribution of sectoral resource surpluses. Although the United States realized this fact only after 1936,50 Latin American countries wanted a freedom that implied and gave them absolute control over their sectoral surpluses, not just a pledge to abstain from intervention. The issues have always been predominantly economic, but because the international juridical system has not yet been sufficiently developed to include rules that would solve them, political procedures of settlement have been employed.…”

Section: Sectoral Clashes and Coalitions In Inter-american Good Neigh...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Theory of Sectoral Clashes and Coalitions Revisited

Mamalakis

1971

Lat. American Res. Rev.

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According to the theory of sectoral clashes and coalitions, the sectoral element plays a unique role in affecting, on the one hand, the interrelationships between the economic processes of income creation, distribution, and allocation and, on the other hand, the interrelationships between economic, social, political, and institutional processes that make for change and progress. The objective of this essay is to extend the previous formulation of the theory of sectoral clashes and coalitions along two lines: first, by presenting statistical information from all of Latin America which prima facie supports the theory's basic premises; second, by defining and expanding these premises and the basic framework in an effort to obtain a clearer vision of the theory and its links to economic, political, and social reality. Although most criticisms of the theory find a specific answer and most of the suggestions for improvement are followed, this article is more than a rebuttal. In response to the urgent need for its further development, cited by all commentators and those who have applied and tested the theory in Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Cuba, Mexico, and Peru, this essay seeks to open new ground and explore new dimensions.

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Section: Values Of Differentials (Ratios) Between Maximum and Minimum...mentioning

confidence: 96%

Section: Sectoral Clashes and Coalitions In Inter-american Good Neigh...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Theory of Sectoral Clashes and Coalitions Revisited

Mamalakis

1971

Lat. American Res. Rev.

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“…24 Para motivos da reversão da Diplomacia do Dólar, cf. Wood, B. (1961); Gardner, L. C. (1964); Mecham, J. L. (1967); Green, D. (1971).…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

“…25 Para exemplos da ênfase estratégica, referências influentes são Bemis, S. (1943), op. cit., Wood, B. (1961), op.…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

Da Diplomacia do Dólar à Diplomacia da Boa Vizinhança: continuidades e diferenças na política dos Estados Unidos para a América Latina (1898-1933)

Bastos

2015

Nova econ.

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<p>O artigo indaga as alterações e a continuidade da política dos EUA para a América Latina, com a substituição da Diplomacia do Dólar pela Boa Vizinhança nos anos 1930. Este também aborda de início a Diplomacia do Dólar, identificando suas origens antes do que tradicionalmente aceito. A conclusão é que tal política não conseguiu criar uma zona de influência segura na América do Sul, sendo ameaçada pela Grande Depressão, pela projeção alemã e pelo nacionalismo latino nos anos 1930. O artigo discute as origens da Política da Boa Vizinhança, rejeitando que priorizaria a segurança militar, em vez de objetivos econômicos: considerações econômicas continuavam essenciais, assumindo inclusive um papel mais estratégico do que antes por causa das necessidades de abertura de mercados para exportações, de garantias de importação de minerais e outros bens, e da pressão política de movimentos nacionalistas sobre filiais estadunidenses.</p>

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“…… with some backsliding and some dissent, officials in Washington found themselves unable to escape the conviction that their employment of force in the Caribbean was not only disproportionately expensive in protecting citizens and property abroad and ineffective in promoting democracy; it was also positively disadvantageous to their evolving conception of the national interest of the United States. 25 Coupled with years of frustration within the State Department at the level of queries and criticism arising from the lack of clarity in American policy, the Nicaragua intervention led to internal circulation of the 1928 Clark memorandum that repudiated the claim that intervention was permissible under the 'Roosevelt Corollary' to the Monroe Doctrine. 26 Indeed, 1928 was also the year in which Franklin Roosevelt published a Foreign Affairs article acknowledging his role in earlier Caribbean interventions.…”

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confidence: 99%

After Interventionism: A Typology of United States Strategies

MacMillan

2019

Diplomacy & Statecraft

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What strategies does the United States pursue when it no longer perceives overt military intervention as politically viable or desirable but the problems or issues for which it was formerly undertaken remain? This analysis identifies three such periods in American foreign policy since the United States became a World Power and draws from the work of Peter Hall to develop a typology of strategies according to the magnitude of policy change. These range from adjustment in the settings of interventionismpersistence; the substitution of alternative instruments of foreign policyameliorism; and the principled rejection of interventionism in conjunction with a more systematic critique of prevailing foreign policy assumptionstransformationalism. Yet each approach is beset by certain structural limits and contradictions arising from the domestic politics and constitutional-institutional system of the United States that are important in understandiing and appreciating more fully the challengesand opportunitiesof the period 'after interventionism'. Investigating the complexities and nuances of policy ideas is thus expected to provide us with a window into our society, how it seeks to solve problems and how the solutions it generates often have unforeseen consequences …. Hogan and Howlett, 2015 1 And, by God, we've kicked the Vietnam syndrome once and for all. George H.W. Bush, 1991 2 Long regarded as a fundamental instrument of Great Power statecraft, 3 intervention is a means of projecting power and influence and, importantly, performing 'Great Powerness' through demonstrating vigour on the global stage. Yet, as Peter Hall has emphasised, states not only 'power', they also 'puzzle'. 4 In this regard, intervention has a practical or functional policy utility in addressing a range of foreign policy problems or 'puzzles'. These two facets, howeverpower performative and problem solverare often in a state of contradiction. After the Cold War, the United States, Britain, and France in particular amongst the democracies undertook military intervention to achieve intrinsically CONTACT John MacMillan

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The Making of the Good Neighbor Policy

Cited by 99 publications

References 0 publications

The Theory of Sectoral Clashes and Coalitions Revisited

The Theory of Sectoral Clashes and Coalitions Revisited

Da Diplomacia do Dólar à Diplomacia da Boa Vizinhança: continuidades e diferenças na política dos Estados Unidos para a América Latina (1898-1933)

After Interventionism: A Typology of United States Strategies

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