The Military, Militarization and Democratization in Africa: A Survey of Literature and Issues

Abstract

The studies of African military establishments that appeared from the late 1960s, after the first wave of coups, were very much the products of their time. The theories of modernization and political development that were their starting point were the ideas of an epoch: that of decolonization, nation-building, internationalization of capital, consolidation of U.S. hegemony, and globalization of American social science. They are of interest now because aspects of that epoch are repeating themselves: in particular, the reassertion of U.S. and western hegemony, the return to free market orthodoxy, and a “third wave” of transitions to democracy (Huntington 1991). Three overlapping debates dominated the literature on the military in developing countries during the 1960s and 1970s. They revolved initially around the conditions of democracy and civilian control. They shifted to the role of the military in modernization or development as armies moved into politics, then focused on political order following deep hegemonic crises in developing countries themselves and in their relations with the West. Early studies of newly formed African armies and police establishments saw them as part of an institutional transfer of western paradigms of governance, along with the Westminster model and Gaullist presidentialism. Military professionalism was integral to the neocolonial enterprise of transferring power to elites, requiring accelerated training in metropolitan and local academies of African “Narcissuses in uniform” (First 1970, chap. 3).

Political transition to democracy

“…Resultantly, as rightly put by Robin Luckham, Zimbabwe is locked in 'a virtual or even actual war with … [its] citizens, thus rendering the state's repressive apparatus of primary importance'. 23 This is because where civilian governments have failed to garner genuine support of their population, govern effectively, and deliver public services and development, they counter any dissent or civil discontent with force, thus militarising politics and politicising the security sector. 24 According to Knox Chitiyo and Wilfred Mhanda, there have been a number of military operations that coincided with national elections in Zimbabwe, including Operation Tsuro ('Rabbit'), launched in the run-up to the 2000 national elections.…”

“…23 This is because where civilian governments have failed to garner genuine support of their population, govern effectively, and deliver public services and development, they counter any dissent or civil discontent with force, thus militarising politics and politicising the security sector. 24 According to Knox Chitiyo and Wilfred Mhanda, there have been a number of military operations that coincided with national elections in Zimbabwe, including Operation Tsuro ('Rabbit'), launched in the run-up to the 2000 national elections. The operation involved 'approximately 1,500 war veterans, 1,000 soldiers of the 5 th Brigade, 300 CIO operatives, approximately 200 members of the police, and 5-6,000 ZANU-PF volunteers, including ZANU-PF youth members'.…”

“…As argued by Luckham, 'a crucial issue for the current transitions to democracy is whether military parties can survive either as potential future sources of coups, or through transformation into democratic parties'. 30 African multinational institutions and democratisation in Africa: African solutions to African problems Regional and continental African institutions have often professed the need for 'African Solutions to African Problems'; understandably so, western countries such as the United States (US), Britain and France have often intervened in African conflicts with little or no consultation with African institutions. 'The "unity" records of regional institutions such as SADC and ECOWAS are similarly compromised.…”

Dilemmas of Military Disengagement and Democratization in Africa

“…by incumbent regimes to hold free elections that could result in their loss of power (scenario 1); by military leaders to 'pact' their own political withdrawal (scenario 2); by governments to negotiate truces with armed opponents, so as to permit them to share power or take part in elections (scenario 6); and by the supporters of democracy to agree to less than complete transitions, in order to neutralize opposition from the military or other groups associated with incumbent regimes. comprising increase of military influence in politics, military spending, arms imports and armed conflict, though these different aspects of militarization were not automatically correlated -acquired a dynamic of its own (Luckham 1985 and1994). During the Cold War it was reinforced by Africa's extensive military ties with foreign powers, from both the Western and the Communist military blocs.…”

“…neglect of the concerns and interests of the great mass of their citizens). However, the com-plex process of militarization that gathered momentum between the 1960s and the early 1980scomprising increase of military influence in politics, military spending, arms imports and armed conflict, though these different aspects of militarization were not automatically correlated -acquired a dynamic of its own (Luckham 1985 and1994). During the Cold War it was reinforced by Africa's extensive military ties with foreign powers, from both the Western and the Communist military blocs.…”