The Multiple Grammaticalization of Romanian veni ‘come’. Focusing on the Passive Construction

Dragomirescu, Adina; Nicolae, Alexandru

doi:10.1515/9783110335989.69

Cited by 17 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…Romanian (Dragomirescu & Nicolae, 2014) (23) a. Nesațiul unui lup vine stricat de un chibzuit cioban. hunger.DEF.M a.GEN.M wolf.M come.PRS.3SG spoil.PTCP.M.SG by a.M wise.M shepherd.M 'The hunger of a wolf is spoiled by a wise shepherd.'…”

Section: Be (*ˈɛSsere) Vs Come (Venire)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Passive Periphrases in the Romance Languages

Ledgeway¹

2021

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics

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Romance periphrastic passives are valency-reducing constructions, involving detransitivization of the clause which is variously manifested in: (a) the defocusing of the Agent through its suppression or demotion to an oblique adjunct; (b) the topicalization and subjectization of an affected non-Agent; and (c) the stativization of the predicate through the use of dedicated verb forms consisting of an auxiliary and nonfinite verb form (viz., participle) which mark the perfective-resultative aspect of the denoted event. Standard and nonstandard Romance varieties present a wealth of periphrastic passive constructions which exhibit a great deal of microvariation, both within individual varieties and across larger areal groupings, in the various formal dimensions of use, meaning, formation, and distribution of the periphrastic passive. These parameters of varation include, among other things, some quite remarkable degrees of diachronic, diatopic, diamesic, and diastratic variation in the distribution and frequency of individual passive periphrases; the choice of passive auxiliary which, in accordance with various syntactic, semantic, and lexical factors, can variously surface as be, become, stay, have, come, go, see, make, remain/stay, want; the distribution of the defocused Agent, especially in relation to a general preference for the so-called short passive, and variation, both diachronic and synchronic, in the formal marking of the defocused Agent both within and across individual Romance varieties; the range and availability of different arguments to undergo subjectization (Theme/Patient > Recipient/Benefactive); the availability and formal properties of the impersonal-passive which, to varying degrees, may enter into competition with a number of the available passive periphrases; the formal licensing conditions operative on participle agreement, in a number of cases linked to the choice of passive auxiliary and the semantic role of the subjectized argument; and the distribution and availability of formal distinctions in the participle to mark the active–passive opposition.

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Section: Be (*ˈɛSsere) Vs Come (Venire)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Passive Periphrases in the Romance Languages

Ledgeway¹

2021

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics

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“…Näheres dazu findet sich z. B. inDragomirescu/Nicolae (2014).20 Damit sind Verben gemeint, "which semantically indicate Tense, Aspect or Modality"(Lamiroy/Pineda 2017: 313).Lamiroy (1999: 40) zufolge verfügt das Französische beispielsweise nur über 52 aspektanzeigende Verben, während das Italienische 115 und das Spanische sogar 171 zur Verfügung hat.21 Dem Französischen wird die am stärksten grammatikalisierte Position u. a. aufgrund der vergleichsweise niedrigen Anzahl an TAM-Verben(Lamiroy 1999; cf. auch Fußnote 20), aber auch aufgrund von präpositionalen Charakteristika, syntaktischen Einschränkungen wie die striktere Wortstellung (Lahousse/Lamiroy 2012) etc.…”

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Beobachtungen zur diachronischen Entwicklung der Verbal-periphrase GEHEN + PARTIZIP PERFEKT im italienisch-spanischen Sprachvergleich

Mayr

2021

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The verbal periphrases constitute a typological feature of the Romance languages and they are especially frequent in the Iberoromanic languages. In the context of this paper the diachronic evolution of the Italian periphrase andare + participio passato, which has a diathetic, modal and resultative function, and its formal, but not functional equivalent in Spanish, ir + participio pasado, will be analysed. The study will focus on the analysis of semantic and functional values of these verbal constructions in different historical phases of the Italian and (European) Spanish language in order to investigate the convergences and divergences which arise between the two languages. In addition, some equivalent constructions in other Romance languages, e. g. Catalan and Portuguese, will occasionally be taken in consideration.

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