The Myth of the Ottoman Millet System: Its Treatment of Kurds and a Discussion of Territorial and Non-Territorial Autonomy

Taş, Latif

doi:10.1163/15718115-02104003

Cited by 23 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…For Kurds, Turkification, and Kemalism more broadly, have not only meant forced assimilation, and a denial of cultural rights and identity, but also a loss of political and legal autonomy granted under the millet practice 7 during the Ottoman Empire (Tas 2014b). Kurds, constituting the largest ethnic minority in Turkey, have engaged in numerous uprisings after the establishment of the Republic, all of which have been violently repressed by the Turkish state.…”

Section: History Of Conflict In Turkeymentioning

confidence: 99%

“War Is like a Blanket”

Al-Ali¹,

Taş

2017

Journal of Middle East Women's Studies

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Despite the recent outbreak of violence and conflict, peace continues to be high on the agenda of the Kurdish political movement and many progressive Turkish intellectuals and activists. We conducted qualitative multi-sited ethnographic research in Turkey (Istanbul and Diyarbakır) and two diaspora locations (London and Berlin) to examine this mobilization for peace. Our analysis of these interviews shows how Kurdish feminist activists have been struggling to make the eradication of gender-based inequalities and gender-based violence central to the wider political movement for peace. Our interviews also reveal a recent convergence between Kurdish and Turkish women's rights activists where segments of the Turkish feminist movement increasingly recognize that "war is like a blanket" that covers over gender injustices. Both Kurdish and Turkish activists stress the intersections between the process of making peace with the state and the struggle for gender-based equality and justice. Thus, our research points to new openings in the conceptualization of and activism for peace, and women"s rights that bridge the deep ethnic and national divides the Turkish-Kurdish conflict has created. Our conclusions underline the need for a feminist perspective on violence and conflict that accounts for women"s rights activists" visions and strategies for a sustainable and just peace.

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Section: History Of Conflict In Turkeymentioning

confidence: 99%

“War Is like a Blanket”

Al-Ali¹,

Taş

2017

Journal of Middle East Women's Studies

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“…Neither Iran nor Turkey wants to see Kurds united, as since the sixteenth century both are accustomed to using warring Kurdish factions as buffer armies. When Kurds try to move away from this situation, and connect with the international community as we have seen in the recent cases, then the Iranian and Turkish states try new ways to weaken Kurds and keep them divided (Tas 2014a and2014b). Most recently, at the same time that Turkey was supporting the ISIS against Kurds in the Middle East (Sanchez 2016) and using state violence against Kurds in Turkey, Iran was directly helping and supporting Shia militias fighting in Iraq against both Kurds and ISIS.…”

Section: The History Of the Turkish-kurdish 'Peace Processes'mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Many more accommodating countries have accepted, respected and made space for their ethnic diversity. As discussed in more detail in Tas (2014b), with the help of the Millet Practice, the Ottoman Empire managed to keep together its very diverse society for more than five centuries. Switzerland has successfully managed its diversity under a confederal system since 1815.…”

Section: Important Steps Towards Sustainable Peacementioning

confidence: 99%

Peace Making or State Breaking? The Turkish-Kurdish Peace Processes and the Role of Diasporas

Taş¹

2016

RoSS

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When Erdogan and his party, the AKP, were elected for the first time in 2002, they made several important pledges. None of these have been fulfilled. On the contrary, in recent years the conflict between Turks and Kurds has increased and societal divisions are at boiling point. Unless relations between Turks and Kurds improve, this article contends that it is not possible to resolve the other pressing issues. Under an Erdogan-led regime Turkey has become a rogue state which is now heading towards civil war. This article begins by arguing that there has never been a real Turkish-Kurdish peace process. The outcomes of the research reported here show that the aim of past negotiationsfor both the Erdogan-led AKP government and the PKKis actually to monopolise power and violence, rather than to move towards sustainable peace. The second argument is that diaspora, especially for stateless people, is not just a 'home away from home'. The underlying concern tackled here is how successful negotiations for peace and post-conflict societies can be reached with the help of different stakeholders, including diasporas. The article includes a case history of Kurdish alternative legal practice, which shows that diaspora communities are not only idealistic protesters, but can also act as positive agents and create practical solutions for stateless communities. Finally, the article suggests 15 practical steps towards a sustainable peace.

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“…Instead, in accordance with the Ottoman's Millet system, the religious criterion was taken into consideration, and as the Kurds were Muslim, they were not considered as a religious minority. Notwithstanding, this circumstance did not deprive the Kurds of constructing their own nation and of enjoying specific rights and freedoms throughout the Ottoman periods, during which they were acknowledged as one of the largest communities (cemaat) within the Empire, allowing them to enjoy judicial, administrative and fiscal autonomy over the region in which they constituted the majority, and to apply their customary laws over domestic disputes (Tas, 2013(Tas, , 2014.…”

Section: A National Question In Turkeymentioning

confidence: 99%

A New Constitution for a Stable Nation: A Constitutional Study on the Long-Running Kurdish Question in Turkey

Kolçak

2015

J Ethn Cult Stud

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The absence of a stable nation resulted in a national problem in Turkey, the Kurdish question. Although the country has been attempting to construct a stable nation for more than a decade, it has become apparent that the construction process cannot be completed in the existence of the current Turkish Constitution. Creating a new constitution has therefore become central to the State’s agenda. By employing the methods of comparative constitutional law, this article gives some suggestions for a potential new Turkish constitution that would eventually come up with a formula to form the stable nation and to help the country to resolve its long-running national problem. First, the new constitution may recognise Kurdish and its dialects as national or regional official languages. Second, it may lay a foundation for bilingual education that would enable the use of Kurdish as the language of instruction. Third, it may embrace the term ‘Türkiyeli’ to rule on citizenship matters. Finally, the constitution may provide constitutional protection for Kurdish linguistic, cultural and historical characteristics.

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The Myth of the Ottoman Millet System: Its Treatment of Kurds and a Discussion of Territorial and Non-Territorial Autonomy

Cited by 23 publications

References 2 publications

“War Is like a Blanket”

“War Is like a Blanket”

Peace Making or State Breaking? The Turkish-Kurdish Peace Processes and the Role of Diasporas

A New Constitution for a Stable Nation: A Constitutional Study on the Long-Running Kurdish Question in Turkey

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