The New Autocracy. Information, Politics, and Policy in Putin’s Russia

Waller, Julian G.

doi:10.1080/09668136.2018.1543986

Cited by 3 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…It is characterised by 'high number[s] of channels and messages and a shameless willingness to disseminate partial truths or outright fictions' [128]. This said, 'for all the propaganda on today's Kremlin-controlled television, the country remains far more open to information than in Soviet times' [129].…”

Section: Russia In 4d: Information Warfare At Home and Abroadmentioning

confidence: 99%

Russia’s Cyber Campaigns and the Ukraine War: From the ‘Gray Zone’ to the ‘Red Zone’

Stoddart

2024

Applied Cybersecurity & Internet Governance

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This article examines Russia’s cyber campaigns against Ukraine and shines some light into this corner of the ‘gray zone’ and into the ‘red zone’ warfare inflicted upon Ukraine. Hitherto, there has been a lack of in-depth, systematic studies in relation to state-on-state cyber attacks. This article means to begin to bridge this gap in knowledge with its focus on Ukraine while arguing that Russia’s cyber campaigns are components of a wider suite of active measures/hybrid warfare engagements from its state and substate entities. For the Kremlin, hybrid warfare (gibridnaya voina) is fought with all the tools at their disposal on a ‘battlefield’ that stretches beyond the four modern domains of land, sea, air, and space. The fifth domain of cyberspace is increasingly important for espionage, cyberwar, and influence operations.

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Section: Russia In 4d: Information Warfare At Home and Abroadmentioning

confidence: 99%

Russia’s Cyber Campaigns and the Ukraine War: From the ‘Gray Zone’ to the ‘Red Zone’

Stoddart

2024

Applied Cybersecurity & Internet Governance

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“…13. For more information on Russian and Soviet neo-imperialism, see Aleksievich (2016) and Treisman (2018). 14.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ballet in Ukraine: From Uncertainty to Defiance and Independence

Nikulina¹

2023

Dance Res. J.

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This article is dedicated to analyzing existing cultural tensions between nationalism and neo-imperialism through the prism of oral narratives of ballet training in post-Soviet Ukraine. I present and reflect on the results of a three-month-long ethnographic field study, which took place at a primary state-sponsored ballet school in Ukraine—the Kyiv State Choreographic School. My article seeks to investigate the role and position of Ukrainian state-sponsored ballet at a crossroads of political and cultural crisis, when a new identity may rise from the ruins of a previously constructed cultural monolith of Soviet ballet. I explore the complex history and present condition of classical ballet training in Kyiv, Ukraine, and reveal it as both a contested cultural space and an important barrier to political radicalization. I show that ballet training centers of Ukraine successfully resist co-optation by both neo-imperial and nationalist ideologies, forming robust and inclusive dancing communities that in many ways mirror structures of modern Ukrainian society.

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“…More developed, I argue, is the literature on policy making in Russia, which has been challenging the common claim that Putin is an all-powerful strongman who unilaterally determines policy, even as he is the formal president and chief patron of Russia's competing pyramids of elite networks (Hale 2014;Ledeneva 2013). When "reform is the top political priority of the strong and authoritative head of state" (Gel'man and Starodubtsev 2016, 114), policy is made through Putin's "manual control," a top-down model in which Putin takes a clear and decisive role (Treisman 2018). This includes some gender-related policy, such as Russia's maternity capital, which was introduced by Putin in a speech to the Federal Assembly in 2006.…”

Section: Policy Making In Russiamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…While Putin is often understood to be crucial even in normal politics-with the policy advocate's proximity within the elite networks seen as determinative (Schenk 2018, 52;Taylor 2014;Treisman 2018)-other scholars find other actors important as well. The various executive, judicial, and law enforcement institutions have interests (whether simplifying procedures or increasing spoils) based on the policy arenas under their control, and there is a lot of intra-elite (sometimes vicious) competition over formal and informal spheres of influence, as these top-level insiders seek power and economic resources.…”

Section: Policy Making In Russiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Authoritarian Gender Equality Policy Making: The Politics of Domestic Violence in Russia

Johnson

2023

Pol & Gen

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This article provides an analytical framework for understanding why and how many authoritarian regimes have recently adopted reforms that address gender equality. I illustrate and hone the framework by tracing three policy-making processes on domestic violence in Russia, an important and least-likely case for such reforms. While recent scholarship finds the importance of international leverage, strategic actions by women’s groups, and regime interest in sidelining religious extremists, this study highlights other opportunities and agents and specifies authoritarian mechanisms such as intra-elite conflict, signaling between the autocrat and elites, and selective responsiveness. Drawing on the scholarship on authoritarian regime dynamics, policy making in Russia, and gender policy making, this study contributes to the literature on the relationship between gender and regime type by focusing on the micrologics of authoritarian policy making.

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The New Autocracy. Information, Politics, and Policy in Putin’s Russia

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Russia’s Cyber Campaigns and the Ukraine War: From the ‘Gray Zone’ to the ‘Red Zone’

Russia’s Cyber Campaigns and the Ukraine War: From the ‘Gray Zone’ to the ‘Red Zone’

Ballet in Ukraine: From Uncertainty to Defiance and Independence

Authoritarian Gender Equality Policy Making: The Politics of Domestic Violence in Russia

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