2016
DOI: 10.1017/s1049096516000081
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The New Blue: Northern In-Migration in Southern Presidential Elections

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Cited by 11 publications
(15 citation statements)
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“…Unfortunately, we are unable to use length of residence in our analysis because the ANES measure is evaluated at the community level, which is problematic because most changes in residence are made within a state. Nevertheless, where a respondent grew up is a reliable proxy for evaluating differences in one's attachment to a region and it has figured prominently in past and present research on southern politics (see Black and Black ; McKee and Teigen ).…”
Section: Data and Methods For Analysismentioning
confidence: 99%
See 2 more Smart Citations
“…Unfortunately, we are unable to use length of residence in our analysis because the ANES measure is evaluated at the community level, which is problematic because most changes in residence are made within a state. Nevertheless, where a respondent grew up is a reliable proxy for evaluating differences in one's attachment to a region and it has figured prominently in past and present research on southern politics (see Black and Black ; McKee and Teigen ).…”
Section: Data and Methods For Analysismentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As the South morphed into a Republican bastion, other sections of the United States, like the Northeast in particular, have become decidedly more Democratic (Reiter and Stonecash ). Indeed, except for the interior West and Great Plains states (Black and Black ), where relatively fewer migrants to the South come from (see McKee and Teigen ), the northern United States is not nearly as red as the South. This simple observation on the contemporary state of partisan strength in and outside the South leads to the expectation that new arrivals to the South should be more Democratic than the native population.…”
Section: Migration and Political Behaviormentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Statewide, over the same period of time (1990–2016), Georgia's black population went from 27 to 31 percent (third highest in the South) and Latinos increased from 2 to 9 percent (third highest in the South), whereas the non‐Hispanic white population dropped from 71 to 60 percent. The share of Georgia natives declined from 64 to 55 percent, the percent urban increased from 63 to 75 percent (2010 census: fourth highest in the South), and based on 2012 (ACS) data, 30 percent of northern in‐migrants came from the “deep blue” Northeast (fifth highest in the South; see McKee and Teigen, :229). Based on these metrics, Georgia is looking less Deep South and more Rim South (McKee and Springer, ) and the currently dominant Georgia GOP has a big problem on its hands.…”
Section: The New Millennium and The Republican Push For Restrictive Vmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Despite evidence that interstate migration in the United States affects the political context of destination states, particularly in the South (Bass and De Vries 1995; Frendreis 1989; Frey 2015; Hood and McKee 2010; Lublin 2004; McKee and Teigen 2016; Parker 1988; Scher 1997; Wolfinger and Hagen 1985), and considerable attention to the political effects of the recent dispersion of Latino migrants across the United States (cf. Frey 2015; Hatalsky and Kessler 2017; Massey 2008; Sanchez 2015), the limited amount of individual-level data on Latino migrants and their political preferences limits our understanding of the implications for Latino interstate migration.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%