How should we understand the religious dimensions of political conflict and political violence? One view sees religiously grounded conflict and violence as sui generis, with a distinctive logic or causal texture. The alternative view subsumes them under political conflict and violence in general, or under the rubric of politicized ethnicity. I seek to highlight both the distinctiveness of religiously informed political conflict and the ways in which many conflicts involving religiously identified claimants are fundamentally similar in structure and dynamics to conflicts involving other culturally or ethnically defined claimants. I identify the distinctively religious stakes of certain political conflicts, informed by distinctively religious understandings of right order. And I specify six violence-enabling modalities and mechanisms (though all can also enable nonviolent solidaristic or humanitarian social action): (1) the social production of hyper-committed selves; (2) the cognitive and affective construction of extreme otherhood and urgent threat; (3) the mobilization of rewards, sanctions, justifications, and obligations; (4) the experience of profanation; (5) the translocal expandability of conflict; and (6) the incentives generated by decentralized and hyper-competitive religious fields. None of these violence-enabling modalities and mechanisms is uniquely religious; yet religious beliefs, practices, structures, and processes provide an important and distinctively rich matrix of such modalities and mechanisms.
KeywordsReligiously informed political conflict, religious stakes in political conflict, violence-enabling modalities and mechanisms.The lecture was delivered on 15 June 2016. The talk draws freely on Brubaker 2015b.
Rogers Brubaker University of California (UCLA)I'm deeply honored to have been asked to deliver one of your Max Weber lectures. I became a sociologist by struggling to come to terms with Weber's work, which remains as rich, difficult, and compelling today as it was a century ago. One of the very first things I was assigned to read as a college student was the dense and difficult section on the "Types of legitimate domination" from Part One of Economy and Society, rendered more difficult still by the fact that we were using the less than felicitous translation of A. M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons. I found the section impenetrable yet somehow also compelling; I underlined every word; and I was hooked. I ended up writing my undergraduate senior thesis, which eventually became my first book, on the idea of rationality in Weber's work; and though I never took a sociology class in college, I decided to attend graduate school in sociology.Religion, conflict, and violence: few themes, taken separately, were more central to Weber's work than these. The themes come together at certain points in his work. Conflict and struggle were central to Weber's sociology of religion, as they were to all his work; and Weber's compendium on the sociology of religion in Economy and Society touched briefly on the...