The Parliament of the Czech Republic, 1993–2004

Linek, Lukáš; Mansfeldová, Zdenka

doi:10.1080/13572330601165238

Cited by 20 publications

(10 citation statements)

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“…The core issue is the importance of having committee members with strong evidence-led orientations and willingness to develop genuine cross-party positions, even when the consequence is to challenge their party leadership or party interest. This factor is reinforced through findings about bi-partisan committee cultures (Robinson 1985;Linek and Mansfeldova 2007) and their significance in facilitating impact.…”

Section: Evaluativementioning

confidence: 95%

Committee Scrutiny Within a Consociational Context: A Northern Ireland Case Study

Cole

2014

Public Administration

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This article considers non‐legislative committee scrutiny at the Northern Ireland Assembly. The core question is: How is such committee scrutiny diminished through the consociational/power‐sharing context? The question is assessed in terms of three phases – selection, obtaining evidence, and evaluative – and through eight specific claims. Consideration is also given to the context of the absence of a formal opposition, ways in which politicians can circumvent consociational constraints, and connections to the current reform agenda at the Assembly. Overall, the study identifies significant support for the claims in terms of practice at the Assembly and suggests that these findings offer opportunities for other scholars to develop further the literature on consociational governance. There is also a clear association with wider issues of the balance of power between legislatures and executives more generally.

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Section: Evaluativementioning

confidence: 95%

Committee Scrutiny Within a Consociational Context: A Northern Ireland Case Study

Cole

2014

Public Administration

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“…51 In the Czech Republic, the number of both proposed and enacted member bills has been declining over time as well: in the 1992-96 term 42 per cent of proposed and 25 per cent of passed bills were initiated by MPs; by contrast, in the 2002-6 term the figures were only 31 per cent and 15 per cent respectively. 52 Overall, the legislative process in the Czech Republic, as in Bulgaria and Hungary, is increasingly dominated by the executive.…”

Section: Non-party Modementioning

confidence: 99%

“…36 Party defection rates have also decreased substantially since the more turbulent parliamentary terms of the early 1990s, but after 2000 there was hardly any party switching and no founding of new parliamentary groups. 37 However, the formation of Topolanek's 2007 cabinet was made possible only because of the defection of two social democratic MPs, who tipped the 100-100 coalition-opposition balance in favour of the governing parties during the investiture vote. Afterwards, both MPs left the CSSD parliamentary party group but remained in parliament as independents.…”

Section: Inter-party Modementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Their numbers increased only marginally during the 1992 -96 and the 2002-6 terms; only two standing committees were added to the original 12. 44 In addition, the structure of the committees does not perfectly reflect the distribution of jurisdictions among the ministries. There have always been fewer committees than ministries and, in contrast to developments in Hungary and Bulgaria, the structure of the committee system has not evolved in accordance with changes to the departmental structure.…”

Section: Cross-party Modementioning

confidence: 99%

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Parliamentary Opposition in Post-Communist Democracies: Power of the Powerless

Kopecký¹,

Spirova²

2008

The Journal of Legislative Studies

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This article charts the development of parliamentary opposition in post-communist Eastern Europe in the context of the changing nature of executive -legislative relations. We first review the existing literature on opposition in post-communist Europe. The second part of the article presents an analytical framework of different modes of executive -legislative interactions. Empirical analysis then demonstrates the practical relevance of these modes in post-communist political systems and their consequences for the position of the parliamentary opposition. We draw our empirical material from three countries of the region: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic and Hungary. We demonstrate that political parties have become the principal source of parliamentary opposition in these countries. However, we also highlight the crucial link between party stability and the ability of the opposition to influence the policy-making process.

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“…Anckar ; Damgaard & Jensen ; Kerrouche ). Even the new democratic parliaments of Eastern Europe adjusted to this legislative division of labour relatively quickly (see Kopecký ; Goetz & Zubek ; Ilonszki ; Linek & Mansfeldová ). As a result, the autonomous law‐making power of parliaments, is by and large, reduced to a peculiar sort of legislative instrument: the private member's bill (PMB) .…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sponsoring Private Member's Bills in Finland and Estonia: The Electoral Context of Legislative Behaviour

Solvak

Pajala

2015

Scand Pol Stud

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This article examines the degree to which sponsored private member's bills (PMBs) in parliament can be explained by electoral incentives. Such bills are a peculiar piece of draft legislation -technically simple, topically unimportant and with negligible passage rates. Yet members of parliament (MPs) sponsor them in large numbers. One possible explanation for this behaviour is the electoral context arising out of the variance in electoral district size and electoral list types, which makes a strong personal reputation comparatively more important for some MPs. Sponsoring bills that have no realistic chance of becoming actual regulations could be a form of personal reputation-building and/or vote-seeking behaviour. Evidence is examined on the sponsoring of such bills in Finland between 2003 and in Estonia between 1999 in order to determine if the electoral context explains why some MPs do this more frequently. The results suggest that the electoral system does have an effect. MPs who have been elected under rules where personal reputation is not central in getting elected are less likely to sponsor such bills the larger their electoral district becomes.

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The Parliament of the Czech Republic, 1993–2004

Cited by 20 publications

References 0 publications

Committee Scrutiny Within a Consociational Context: A Northern Ireland Case Study

Committee Scrutiny Within a Consociational Context: A Northern Ireland Case Study

Parliamentary Opposition in Post-Communist Democracies: Power of the Powerless

Sponsoring Private Member's Bills in Finland and Estonia: The Electoral Context of Legislative Behaviour

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