The parliamentary election in the Czech Republic, May 2010

Stegmaier, Mary; Vlachová, Klára

doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2011.01.004

Cited by 18 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…It should be noted at this point that a technocrat‐led government's classification is not necessarily set in stone and that the same government may shift from one of our four types to another due to changing circumstances. A good example of this is Fischer's government in the Czech Republic which was created as ‘a caretaker government of experts’ (Stegmaier & Vlachová : 238), or what we call a ‘nonpartisan caretaker’ government. Its original remit was simply to ‘mind the shop’ until a constitutional amendment could be passed allowing a general election to be called.…”

Section: Real‐existing Full Technocratic Governmentsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Defining and classifying technocrat‐led and technocratic governments

McDonnell

Valbruzzi

2014

European J Political Res

110

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Governments led by technocrats remain a nebulous category in political science literature, with little clarity about how they differ from party governments, how many have existed and how we can differentiate between them. This article aims to provide that conceptual and empirical clarity. Having proposed an ideal type definition of ‘technocratic government’, it sets out three conditions for an operational definition of a ‘technocrat’ and, on that basis, lists the 24 technocrat‐led governments that have existed in 27 European Union (EU) democracies from the end of the Second World War until June 2013. It then classifies these according to their partisan/technocrat composition and remit. This allows for the presentation of a typology of four different types of technocrat‐led governments and the definition of ‘full technocratic governments’ as those which contain a majority of technocrats and – unlike caretaker governments – have the capacity to change the status quo. The article concludes that full technocratic governments remain extremely rare in EU democracies since there have been only six cases – of which three have occurred in the last decade.

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Section: Real‐existing Full Technocratic Governmentsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Defining and classifying technocrat‐led and technocratic governments

McDonnell

Valbruzzi

2014

European J Political Res

110

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“…While the former was a splinter of the Christian-Democratic Party (KDU-ČSL) and regarded as the natural ally of the conservative ODS, the VV had entered parliament as a GNP on an anti-corruption platform. ‘Thus, it was hard to pinpoint their particular ideological placement and what type of coalition partner they would be’ (Stegmaier and Vlachová, 2011: 240). However, given the strong negotiating power due to its seat share, 21 the VV seized the opportunity to join a government with the two-center-right parties.…”

Section: Multivariate Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, a closer look reveals a more differentiated picture. In 2010, for instance, the Conservatives (ODS) in the Czech Republic formed a minimal-winning coalition with two new parties called TOP 09 and Public Affairs (Stegmaier and Vlachová, 2011). Almost simultaneously, Slovakia saw the new party Freedom and Solidarity entering a coalition with three EPs (Deegan-Krause and Haughton, 2012).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

New parties, information uncertainty, and government formation: evidence from Central and Eastern Europe

Grotz

Weber

2015

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

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Government formation in multi-party democracies is notoriously ridden with information uncertainty. Uncertainty is aggravated when new parties enter parliament, which generally suggests a ‘newcomer handicap’ in government formation. However, relegating newcomers to the opposition comes with uncertainty in its own right, which suggests immediate cabinet participation as new leaders seize the opportunity and established parties pursue containment. We explore elite responses to this strategic problem in the postcommunist democracies of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) where new parties often gain parliamentary representation. Even in CEE, a newcomer handicap in government formation is apparent, controlling for other detrimental party attributes. However, this applies to small newcomers only. For larger parties the handicap turns into a bonus, an effect only qualified once the newcomer outnumbers its competitors. Either way, newness-induced uncertainty thus intensifies the strategic rationale of government formation. As party systems become more volatile, these findings are relevant beyond CEE.

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“…These elections brought new trends and phenomena to party politics in the Czech Republic, which had in many respects excluded them from the transformations of the party system between 1996 and 2010. They also transformed the Czech party system, which until then had been considered one of the most stable in post -communist Central and Eastern Europe by various domestic and foreign experts (see, e.g., Birch 2003;Deegan -Krause -Haughton 2010;Stegmaier -Vlachová 2011;Charvát 2012;Maškarinec -Bláha 2014 etc. ).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%