The Party Politics of Post-Devolution Identity in Northern Ireland

McGlynn, Catherine; Tonge, Jonathan; McAuley, James W.

doi:10.1111/j.1467-856x.2012.00528.x

Cited by 18 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 32 publications

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“…This is not to suggest that ethnic cleavages are unimportant to understanding Northern Ireland's conflict. Recent research indicates that ethnic identities continue to manifest themselves clearly in electoral competitions today (McGlynn et al, 2014).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Pragmatists versus dogmatists: Explaining the failure of power-sharing in Northern Ireland during the 1970s

McDaid

2014

Br Polit

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2This article argues that the failure of Northern Ireland's first power-sharing executive, and subsequent attempts to restore power-sharing during the 1970s, was the result of conflicting attitudes towards devolution among Northern Ireland's politicians.Traditional ideological divisions between nationalists and unionists were not the primary barrier to creating and sustaining cross-community institutions, as stressed in accounts of this period premised on consociational theory. Drawing extensively from archival sources, it argues that the split between the pragmatists from both communities, prepared to compromise their core principles and accept powersharing devolution within a United Kingdom (UK) framework, and the dogmatists (both nationalists and unionists) who refused to contemplate any compromise to their core position prevented a consensual political settlement emerging during the 1970s.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Pragmatists versus dogmatists: Explaining the failure of power-sharing in Northern Ireland during the 1970s

McDaid

2014

Br Polit

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“…Over the two decades since the signing of the agreement, the devolved power sharing executive and assembly has evolved in fits and starts. 6 Currently these power sharing institutions are not functioning, collapsing as a result of a breakdown in trust between the two main political parties, Sinn F ein and the DUP. Moreover, traits of a deeply divided society remain: peace walls are still required; segregated housing and education continue to be a stark feature of regional life; and an uncomfortable level of sectarianism still pervades.…”

Section: The Nature Of the Belfast Agreementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Brexit, the Belfast Agreement and Northern Ireland: Imperilling a Fragile Political Bargain

Teague¹

2019

Political Quarterly

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The major impact of the Belfast Agreement was to engineer a peaceful coexistence between nationalism and unionism that involved each bloc recognising it had sufficient power to thwart the political ambitions of the other side, but not enough to push through its own agenda. This paper argues that Brexit seriously damages this peaceful coexistence and could trigger what is termed an Ulster war of attrition in which Northern Ireland becomes entrapped in a political stalemate where each side strives to triumph without having sufficient power to do so. It also argues that to restore internal political stability in Northern Ireland, and to indemnify against the risk of disorderly relationships between the British and Irish governments in the future, the strategic importance of Strand 3 of the Belfast Agreement requires strengthening.

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“…63 The Board has come to reflect the redistribution of power since the GFA, including the strong party-political expression of ethnonational identity. 64 The mandatory power-sharing that stems from the GFA has contributed in part to a form of 'ethnic outbidding' 65 which has witnessed moderate unionist (Ulster Unionist Party, UUP) and nationalist (Social Democratic and Labour Party, SDLP) parties lose significant electoral ground to their harder-line rivals -the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Féin (SF) respectively.…”

Section: The Emergence Of the Monitoring Dutymentioning

confidence: 99%

Ethno‐National Narratives of Human Rights: The Northern Ireland Policing Board

Martin

2019

Modern Law Review

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Policing in Northern Ireland has undergone one of the world's most extensive human rights reform programmes. The challenge has been whether the human rights paradigm can serve as a mutual basis for the region's sparring ethno‐national communities to deliberate over long‐contested issues of policing, accountability and justice. This article focuses on the Northern Ireland Policing Board as an arena to examine the contemporary political attitudes and agendas that animate the Board's statutory duty to monitor policing on the basis of human rights. Marshalling qualitative data and drawing on legal anthropology, this article offers an account of the ‘social life’ of human rights and policing in the context of Northern Ireland's imperfect peace. It argues that, irrespective of legal standards, human rights oversight harbours deep sentiments and concerns, at the heart of which are communities’ own historical engagements with rights, competing legacies of the conflict and divergent understandings of contemporary policing.

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The Party Politics of Post-Devolution Identity in Northern Ireland

Cited by 18 publications

References 32 publications

Pragmatists versus dogmatists: Explaining the failure of power-sharing in Northern Ireland during the 1970s

Pragmatists versus dogmatists: Explaining the failure of power-sharing in Northern Ireland during the 1970s

Brexit, the Belfast Agreement and Northern Ireland: Imperilling a Fragile Political Bargain

Ethno‐National Narratives of Human Rights: The Northern Ireland Policing Board

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