2012
DOI: 10.1515/lp-2012-0015
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The phonetics and phonology of Dutch mid vowels before /l/

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Cited by 7 publications
(12 citation statements)
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“…Section 2 reports on a pilot production experiment set up to examine the effects of coda / on preceding vowels and diphthongs. The results ofthat experiment are partially in line with Botma, Sebregts & Smakman (2010, 2012, but differ in shoving that qualitative neutralization without quantitative neutralization does occur. The experiment also shows that the effect of coda / in the case of diphthongs is more than a lowering effect on F2, as it involves a leveling effect on Fl as well.…”
Section: Introductionsupporting
confidence: 71%
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“…Section 2 reports on a pilot production experiment set up to examine the effects of coda / on preceding vowels and diphthongs. The results ofthat experiment are partially in line with Botma, Sebregts & Smakman (2010, 2012, but differ in shoving that qualitative neutralization without quantitative neutralization does occur. The experiment also shows that the effect of coda / in the case of diphthongs is more than a lowering effect on F2, as it involves a leveling effect on Fl as well.…”
Section: Introductionsupporting
confidence: 71%
“…Van der Torre (2003) argues that tense mid vowels are realized as long lax vowels before coda /. Botma, Sebregts & Smakman (2008 claim that 'laxing' is a misnomer for this process given that tense and lax vowels are both affected. That is, syllable-final / has a lowering effect on the F2 of both tense and lax vowels (retraction) and may neutralize the qualitative opposition between them.^ Neutralization is a variable and gradual process.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…a lowered F 1 . In a recent experiment in which the formant values (F 1 , F 2 ) of tense and lax mid-vowel pairs were measured, /e, o/ were seen to have a lower F 1 than their lax congeners /ɪ, ɔ/, but the F 1 of lax /ʏ/ was higher than that of tense /ø/ (Botma et al 2012). Cross-linguistic evidence also suggests that tenseness does not correlate with tongue-root advancement in any straightforward way.…”
Section: ----------mentioning
confidence: 93%
“…The relation between tongue-root advancement and tenseness is also tenuous in German, where /ɪ/ has a greater degree of tongueroot advancement than /i/ (Ladefoged & Maddieson 1996) It has also been proposed that the tense/lax contrast can be defined in terms of relative peripherality, with the lax vowels being more centralized than their tense congeners (e.g. Lindau 1979;Harris & Lindsey 1995;Botma et al 2012). Such an account has been criticized on the grounds that it would make tenseness the only feature whose exponence is defined in relative terms (e.g.…”
Section: ----------mentioning
confidence: 99%