The political economy of Turkish Conservative Democracy as a governmental strategy of industrial relations between Islamism, neoliberalism and social democracy

Abstract

Since 2002, the incumbent Justice and Development Party's (JDP) industrial relations (IR) policy has dichotomized Turkish public opinion. Positions have ranged from socialism to neoliberalism and include a reference to Islamism. This article argues that this ambiguity stems from the confrontation between the JDP's Islamist sociopolitical background and the confines of Turkish IR under the pressure of neoliberal restructuring. Thus, it aims to crystallize the party's Conservative Democratic identity in relation to IR by examining how the JDP's cosmopolitan nature embraces its Islamist, neoliberal and social democratic foundations. This article concludes that, in its current form, Conservative Democracy as an IR governmental strategy has less to do with pure Islamism, neoliberalism or social democracy than with a 'hard pragmatism', which is located between the suppression of and support for organized labour under the shadow of the party's politico-economic agenda.

Employers' organisations as social movements: Political power and identity work

“…Islamic EOs promoted specific types of employment policies and actions. The secular EO Tüsiad has increasingly forged relationships with trade unions (Akan, ). In comparison, Islamic EOs were strongly anti‐union and hostile towards formal labour relations (Duran & Yildirim, ).…”

Motivational diversity and the sense of ill-treatment back home among the UK’s migrant workers from Turkey: A cross-intersectional approach

“…The sense of ill-treatment, however, largely corresponds with policy deficiencies in Turkey (Akan, 2012;Kaya and Baldwin, 2004). Fear was felt not only by divorced women but also by gay and lesbian respondents that they would be subjected to physical attacks (Luibheid, 2004), domestic violence or workplace bullying if they returned to Turkey.…”

“…Preventative measures to limit gambling should be considered as it delays potential returns back to Turkey and hinders reinvestment in Britain whilst destroying people's lives (Sallaz, 2008). For more sustainable migration controls, the EU could continue supporting democratic reforms in Turkey (Akan, 2012) as a way of reducing the contribution of ill-treatment underlying reasons to migrate.…”

“…The findings suggest that participants’ sense of ill-treatment back home appears to be linked to culture to some extent, as witnessed in the case of conservative resistance towards a divorced woman walking in the neighbourhood with her boyfriend (Liversage, 2012). The sense of ill-treatment, however, largely corresponds with policy deficiencies in Turkey (Akan, 2012; Kaya and Baldwin, 2004). Fear was felt not only by divorced women but also by gay and lesbian respondents that they would be subjected to physical attacks (Luibheid, 2004), domestic violence or workplace bullying if they returned to Turkey.…”

“…Characteristic headlines are ‘women beaten’, ‘student with headscarf expelled’, ‘LGBT people attacked’, ‘ethnic/religious minorities assaulted’ or ‘workers silenced over hazards’. Policy deficiencies are much criticised since legal loopholes provide a feeding ground for ill-treatment (Akan, 2012). Legislative shortfalls and the lack of effective sanctions are particularly reproached in relation to health and safety, job security and social services (Özdemir and Özdemir, 2006).…”