2018
DOI: 10.1111/blar.12847
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The Politics of Negotiating with Gangs. The Case of El Salvador

Abstract: This paper explores the dynamics of negotiations between the Salvadoran government and the street gangs, called maras. The paper argues that state negotiations with criminal groups can occur when organized crime is a significant part of the social and political order. This tacit order allows a great deal of coordination between and within criminal organizations and the focus of negotiations from the state's point of view is limited to the management of violence, not the dismantling of gangs' territorial contro… Show more

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Cited by 13 publications
(5 citation statements)
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References 22 publications
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“…Many Latin American countries can be considered hybrid political orders, where diverse and competing authority structures, logics of order and violence, and claims to power co-exist, overlap, interact, and intertwine (Arias and Goldstein, 2010; Jaffe, 2013). Here the State lacks a monopoly in providing security, welfare, and representation; it instead shares authority, legitimacy, and capacity with other institutions and actors (Boege et al, 2009; Cruz, 2019). Within this dynamic, non-state actors – ranging from civil society organisations, trade unions, business associations and criminal organisations – take part in the local “co-production” of key state functions, including provision of public goods and services, social protection, environmental management, security and taxation.…”
Section: Hybrid Co-governance During the Pandemic: Theorising The Gov...mentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Many Latin American countries can be considered hybrid political orders, where diverse and competing authority structures, logics of order and violence, and claims to power co-exist, overlap, interact, and intertwine (Arias and Goldstein, 2010; Jaffe, 2013). Here the State lacks a monopoly in providing security, welfare, and representation; it instead shares authority, legitimacy, and capacity with other institutions and actors (Boege et al, 2009; Cruz, 2019). Within this dynamic, non-state actors – ranging from civil society organisations, trade unions, business associations and criminal organisations – take part in the local “co-production” of key state functions, including provision of public goods and services, social protection, environmental management, security and taxation.…”
Section: Hybrid Co-governance During the Pandemic: Theorising The Gov...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This was soon confronted with alternative and contentious non-state approaches to governance “from below' in El Salvador as hybrid political order. Various territories are co-governed by both the State and the three (formerly two) street gangs [ Mara Salvatrucha (MS13), Eighteen Street Gang – Revolucionarios (18R), and the Eighteen Street gang – Sureños (18S)], and other associations that negotiate security and economic arrangements both with the State and the gangs (Bergmann, 2020; Cruz, 2019; Mercado et al, 2021). The relationship between the gangs and the State changed profoundly with the 2012 gang-truce, where the then two main gangs (MS13 and 18) agreed to reduce homicides in exchange for improved conditions in prisons.…”
Section: Pandemic Micropolitics: the Case Of El Salvadormentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In some countries in the region, democratization did not signify profound reforms in the institutions. This, thus, allowed criminal organizations to grow stronger and occupy spaces of power where the state had limited presence (Berg and Carranza, 2018;Cruz, 2019;Pérez, 2013). Gallo (2014), discussing the legacy of dictatorships in Latin America, argues that the transition to democracy in many countries in the region was marked by "amnesty" agreements that guaranteed impunity for perpetrators of human rights abuses during authoritarian regimes.…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…La tregua de 2012, según los informantes, permitió reorganizar y fortalecer a las pandillas con la complicidad del gobierno, ya que en 2016 se comprobó que ésta, además de ser elaborada por el gobierno, estaba plagada de impunidad y corrupción por parte de los funcionarios involucrados (Cruz 2018;Roque 2017). Algunos informantes corroboran los beneficios y prebendas que dio la tregua para pandilleros y funcionarios.…”
Section: Iv1 Fragilidad Democrática De Un Estado Vulnerableunclassified