The Radical Right in Postsocialist Central and Eastern Europe: Comparative Observations and Interpretations

Minkenberg, Michael

doi:10.1177/088832540201600201

Cited by 162 publications

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“…Seus seguidores não estão mais em uma turba militarizada e irracional, mas sim em uma "massa disponível" (WEFFORT, 1965 Fonte: Elaboração própria a partir de Dix (1985), Betz (1993), Taguieff (1995), Urbinatti (1998), Canovan (1999), Ellner (2000Ellner ( , 2005, Weyland (2001), Minkenberg (2002), Akkerman (2003), Decker (2003), Mudde (2004Mudde ( , 2010, Derks (2006), Abts e Rummens (2007), Gonzales (2007), March (2007) Laclau, o populismo torna-se um epifenômeno: independe da estrutura, da ideologia propagada, da forma de mobilização, da organização e até mesmo do líder. Basta que exista uma elite e um terreno político em disputa para que as demandas se mobilizem e busquem articular-se como povo -embora Laclau ressalte que muitas vezes o processo é interrompido e não resulta em populismo.…”

Section: A Definição Estrutural: Um Consenso Em Criseunclassified

De Chávez a Trump: dificuldades do método comparativo aplicado ao populismo

Cilia¹

2017

Teor. Pesqui.

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Resumo: Existe em curso um ressurgimento do amplo debate sobre a natureza do populismo, lastreado por novos atores populistas, eleições e referendos, assim como o retorno da palavra em análises jornalísticas escritas no calor do momento, frequentemente desprovidas de uma reflexão conceitual sobre o fenômeno. A novidade na conjuntura atual é a expansão do populismo para contextos onde há muito não era encontrado, como Europa e Estados Unidos. A interação global entre as características supostamente populistas de diferentes líderes e movimentos políticos em contextos diversos geram comparações que transpõem uma definição conceitual e problematizam ainda mais um debate que já sofria com a falta de consenso. No trabalho são tratadas as dificuldades do método comparativo mediante a indeterminação conceitual do populismo. A miríade de características levantadas pelas comparações é evidência das diversas escolas de análise sobre o populismo que o relacionam a um estilo retórico, estrutura de governo ou ideologia política. São exploradas algumas conseqüências destas diferentes vertentes, e são sugeridas estratégias para uma agenda de pesquisa sobre o método comparativo utilizado no populismo.Palavras-chave: Populismo; Método comparativo; Soberania popular; Conjuntura política. Abstract:There is an ongoing revival of the wide debate on the nature of populism, backed up by new populist actors, elections and referendums, as well as the return of word usage in journalistic analysis written in the heat of the moment, often devoid of conceptual Cilia, G. B. 9(2017) 26 (1) 8-35reflection about the phenomenon. The novelty in current affairs is the expansion of populism to previously unusual contexts, such as Europe and the United States. The global interaction between supposedly populist traits of different leaders and political movements in diverse contexts create comparisons that overstep a conceptual definition and render problematic a debate already lacking in consensus. In this article, the difficulties of the comparative method are weighed in the face of populism's conceptual indetermination. The host of traits collected by comparisons is an evidence of the diverse schools of thought on populism which relate it to a rhetorical style, government structure or political ideology. Some of the consequences of different schools are further explored, and strategies for a research agenda about the comparative method applied to populism are suggested.

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Section: A Definição Estrutural: Um Consenso Em Criseunclassified

De Chávez a Trump: dificuldades do método comparativo aplicado ao populismo

Cilia¹

2017

Teor. Pesqui.

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“…The emergence of populist radical right politics in Western Europe is largely associated with the sociocultural changes of '1968' (Ignazi 1992;Kitschelt with McGann 1995;Minkenberg 2000). This view became prevalent for at least two reasons: first, populist radical right parties that appeared after this watershed shed the fascist rhetoric and anti-system attitudes of their predecessors; second, the parties' platforms emphasized new issues, such as security and immigration (Ignazi 1996).…”

Section: Theoretical Framework: a Matter Of Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Until now, populist radical right parties in Central and Eastern Europe and their issues have remained largely unexplored. The limited literature available has either focused on the radical right during the 1990s (Minkenberg 2002;Mudde 2000;Ramet 1999a) or explored the dimension of racist extremism in the region (Mudde 2005). The little attention received is probably justified by these parties in Central and Eastern Europe achieving only moderate success, or by the fact that, up until recently, the populist radical right in Central and Eastern Europe appeared relegated to social movement and subcultural milieus (see, for example, Hockenos 1993;Minkenberg 2008).…”

Section: Post-communist Issuesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Populist Radical Right Parties in Central and Eastern Europe: The Different Context and Issues of the Prophets of the Patria

Pirro¹

2013

Gov. & oppos.

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The recent electoral performances of the Bulgarian Ataka, Hungarian Jobbik, and the Slovak National Party seem to confirm the pervasive appeal of the populist radical right in Central and Eastern Europe. Unlike their Western counterparts, these parties do not stem from a ‘silent counter-revolution’. Populist radical right parties in the region retain features sui generis, partly in relation to their historical legacies and the idiosyncrasies of the post-communist context. After distinguishing between pre-communist, communist and post-communist issues, this article discerns commonalities and differences in the ideology of the three parties by a content analysis of the party literatures. The analysis shows that populist radical right parties in Central and Eastern Europe are fairly ‘like minded’, yet they do not constitute an entirely homogeneous group. While a minimum combination of ideological features reveals that only clericalism and opposition to ethnic minorities are shared by all three parties, a maximum combination would extend this to irredentism, anti-corruption and Euroscepticism.

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“…The meaning of conservatism has changed through the centuries from having a negative connotation as being considered an anti-modern move to a more positive flavor as "the dialectical counterpart to political modernization," 15 as the "idealism of nostalgia" attempting to achieve a "moral and valuational anchorage for contemporary life," 16 and as "a movement acting within a dynamic society in need of adapting itself to new types of solutions." 17 Hence, it is difficult to define a singular notion of conservatism that transcends time, place, and circumstance; every society develops its own conservative understanding.…”

Section: Western Conservatism and The Akpmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Justice and Development Party’s Conception of “Conservative Democracy”: Invention or Reinterpretation?

Çağlıyan‐İçener

2009

Turkish Studies

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A BSTRACT This article investigates the notion of "conservative democracy" in the discourse of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in relation to the concepts of change and continuity. It argues that "conservative democracy," which is presented as a "genuine contribution" of the AKP to Turkish politics, is actually a continuation of a tradition within Turkish conservative literature rather than a product of the moment. Hence, contrary to the party's claim, "conservative democracy" is not an invented but a reinterpreted concept. It is reformulated pragmatically to illustrate a rupture from the Islamist background of the party leaders. Introduction1 Strikingly, in the July 2007 general elections the ruling AKP increased its vote-share from 34.3 percent to 46.6 percent for a second term of single-party AKP government, despite the existence of sharp divisions among the public and increasing secularist opposition.Since coming to power, discussions on the AKP and its leading cadre have revolved around whether or not the party has changed. The Islamist record of the party's prominent figures has somehow restrained them and confined the discussion to the limits of Islamist reactionism. What is missing at this point is an awareness of the historical contingency and continuity that could contribute to the understanding of the AKP's role in the Turkish political arena. The cadres of the AKP are seen as "closet Islamists," and the party's loyalty to the founding principles of the Turkish Republic, particularly secularism, is questioned by the secularist portions of society. Hence, the leaders of the party have felt obliged to demonstrate that the party is not a version of Islamist-oriented parties arising from the MG movement. To this end, the leaders of the AKP came up with the concept of "conservative democracy" to define the identity of the party, which is portrayed as a "unique" and "novel" phenomenon in Turkish politics. However, the concepts and arguments used by the AKP in generating "conservative democracy" are the continuation of already existing formulations and discussions within Turkish conservative literature. The objective of this article, thus, is to reveal in what ways the AKP's "conservative democracy" maintains the terminology and discourse of the synthesis-oriented conservatives of the early Republican era 2 and differs from the arguments of the Islamic conservatism of the MG movement.First, the article elaborates on the emergence of the AKP in Turkish politics. The context in which the party leaders formulated the principles of the party will be examined. The second part looks at the relationship between Western conservatism and the AKP and analyzes why the AKP came up with the concept of "conservative democracy." The third part decomposes the notion of "conservative democracy." The AKP's approach to "conservative democracy" is analyzed with references to and comparisons with a number of concerns with which the synthesis-oriented conservative thinkers dealt. Most of the AK...

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The Radical Right in Postsocialist Central and Eastern Europe: Comparative Observations and Interpretations

Cited by 162 publications

References 0 publications

De Chávez a Trump: dificuldades do método comparativo aplicado ao populismo

De Chávez a Trump: dificuldades do método comparativo aplicado ao populismo

Populist Radical Right Parties in Central and Eastern Europe: The Different Context and Issues of the Prophets of the Patria

The Justice and Development Party’s Conception of “Conservative Democracy”: Invention or Reinterpretation?

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