The Reconstruction of the Beirut Central District: An Urban Geography of War and Peace

Humphreys, David

doi:10.18848/2154-8676/cgp/v06i04/53778

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…Si le terme de fantôme n'est pas absent des travaux académiques sur le Liban, il demeure limité dans ses usages comme dans ses terrains d'investigation. Renvoyant essentiellement à la guerre civile, il sert à caractériser les espaces abandonnés, en ruine, ou qui portent les traces d'anciens combats et d'anciennes divisions (Humphreys, 2015 ;Young, 2010). John Nagle (2017) va au-delà de l'usage descriptif du terme et utilise la métaphore du fantôme pour penser ensemble le souvenir des affrontements passés et les fragilités des politiques de reconstruction et de réconciliation à Beyrouth -dont l'emploi du terme « fantôme » constitue justement le symptôme.…”

Section: éTudier Les Lieux-fantômes Au Libanunclassified

Prison et boîte de nuit

Bonte¹,

Fournier²

2018

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Section: éTudier Les Lieux-fantômes Au Libanunclassified

Prison et boîte de nuit

Bonte¹,

Fournier²

2018

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“…Lebanon has had a fairly positive experience with an alternative to cash compensation after the civil war in that country as the city of Beirut was being rebuilt [42][43][44]. In this case former owners and occupants of shops, residences and cultivated land in the destroyed and damaged areas of the city and surroundings were given shares in the construction company that rebuilt the downtown areas.…”

Section: Vouchers Credits and Shares In Companiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Structuring land restitution remedies for peace and stability in fragile states.

Unruh¹

2016

CABI Reviews

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Large-scale dislocation of populations due to land expropriations and armed conflict presents significant difficulties for political stability and food security in fragile states. With increased use of mass claims programs by the international community and governments in order to attend to the problem, attention is focusing on what works. While organizing mass claims programs is challenging, the real difficulty is deriving remedies that are realistic, effective, implementable and that fit the wide variety of circumstances that people, communities and nations find themselves. Although the temptation can be to simply transfer specific remedies from one country to another, in reality these can be difficult to implement with success in places with different cultures, histories, grievances, aspirations and ethnic, sectarian, religious and class divisions. This paper argues that what is more important is the 'structure' of remedy approaches and how these can be adapted to local and national realities. As well, the necessity of any mass claims program to navigate constraints involving inadequate compensation funds, a lack of alternative lands for reparation, a low-capacity administrative environment and a variable willingness to evict current occupants, means that such structures need to be flexible, permutable and adaptable. This review examines the restitution remedy structures that fit these requirements, and that have been successfully implemented in a variety of land and property mass claims programs.

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“…On the contrary, a state-sponsored system of amnesia, manifested in the 1991 amnesty law, allowed political and sectarian memories to thrive (Haugbolle, 2010;Volk, 2010). While the postwar maintenance of socio-political territories (e.g., Deeb, 2006;Harb, 2010) and the politics of reconstruction (e.g., Humphreys, 2015;Leenders, 2012) as well as the ways these two processes intersectare well-documented, far less is known of the social dynamics of recovery and conflict transformation arising among Beirut's dwellers almost 30 years after the end of the internal wars.1…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%