The Representation of Women in African Legislatures and Cabinets: An Examination with Reference to Ghana

Half of the Cabinet: Explaining Ethiopia’s Move to Gender Parity in the Government

“…This suggests that, in addition to the stability of the regime, evidence of democratization and the advancement of women may facilitate the continued flow of aid. Adams et al (2016) defined the international context in terms of adherence to norms, operationalized as the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), on the selection of women ministers. Bush (2011) noted a connection between foreign aid and women's representation in the legislature.…”

“…Indeed, several scholars note that international norms regarding women's empowerment and gender equality influenced global south states to include more women in their cabinets (Adams et al, 2016;Bauer and Okpotor, 2013). Relatedly, Tripp (2015) has observed that women are wellrepresented in post-conflict African countries and after 1990.…”

“…Unlike democracies in the global north where cabinet formation is driven by domestic political criteria, the leaders of aiddependent regimes in the global south must balance domestic and external pressures in the selection of ministers. We theorize that this is not simply a response to international norms (Adams et al, 2016;Bauer and Okpotor, 2013).…”

Women’s Movement for Gender Quotas in Nigeria and Ghana

“…Quite a number of global conventions have bestowed responsibility on national governments to put in place legal measures that will enhance the level of women's representation (Krook 2009). With the benefit of hindsight, many of these international and regional frameworks designed towards this particular global goal, such as the 1995 Beijing Declaration and the 2003 Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa, had already been ratified by both Nigerian and Ghanaian government without reservation (Krook 2006;Sam 2010;Adams et al 2016). It thus signifies the readiness of both states in responding to women's political plights via the instrumentality of legal measures (Krook 2006).…”

“…Although it was an idea originally conceived by the Abantu for Development, the drafting of the Manifesto gave room to wide consultations with women's groups, non-governmental organisations, civil society, representatives of political parties, District Assembly women and press agents (Tsikata 2009b;Adams et al 2016). The Manifesto unequivocally lamented the relegation of women to the background in decision-making processes and thereby recommended affirmative action measures within political parties that would create room for 50% women's representation by 2012 (Coalition on the Women's Manifesto for Ghana 2004).…”