The Role of Inner Ring Suburbs in Metropolitan Smart Growth Strategies

Lee, Sugie; Leigh, Nancey Green

doi:10.1177/0885412204271878

Cited by 57 publications

(29 citation statements)

References 31 publications

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“…To differentiate suburban communities, some researchers have referred to the concept of ‘suburban tiers’, which they have categorized according to development periods and neighborhood characteristics (Jackson, 1985; Bollens, 1988; Orfield, 1997; Freilich, 1999; Lucy and Phillips, 2000; Lee and Leigh, 2005). Using the concept of suburban tiers, urban scholars and policymakers have differentiated suburbs into separate communities.…”

Section: Transformation Of the Us Metropolitan Structure And Intra‐mementioning

confidence: 99%

Metropolitan Growth Patterns and Socio-Economic Disparity in Six US Metropolitan Areas 1970-2000

Lee

2011

International Journal of Urban and Regional Research

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Abstracti jur_1004 988..1011Widening socio-economic disparities between urban and suburban communities have increasingly concerned urban scholars and policymakers. This is because growing disparities may be associated with the socio-economic exclusion of disadvantaged households from jobs, housing and public services. However, existing empirical studies have not sufficiently addressed the importance of regional growth patterns that are associated with socio-economic disparity and polarization within metropolitan areas. After identifying the intra-metropolitan subareas of six metropolitan areas and utilizing longitudinal census data from 1970 to 2000, this research investigated intrametropolitan socio-economic disparity and polarization in terms of income, class and race within six metropolitan areas exhibiting different regional growth trends and patterns. The primary focus of this research is the relationship between socio-economic disparity and regional growth trends as well as patterns that pertain to both urban sprawl and compact development. The key findings of this study indicate that while metropolitan areas with compact development patterns show a relatively lower level of intra-metropolitan socio-economic disparity and polarization, those with urban sprawl exhibit a higher level over time, despite endogenous differences in each metropolitan area. Finally, this study discusses the issue of causality among spatial patterns and socio-economic disparities as well as policy implications for promoting metropolitan growth patterns aimed at socio-economic integration and balanced metropolitan growth.

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Section: Transformation Of the Us Metropolitan Structure And Intra‐mementioning

confidence: 99%

Metropolitan Growth Patterns and Socio-Economic Disparity in Six US Metropolitan Areas 1970-2000

Lee

2011

International Journal of Urban and Regional Research

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“…wildfires and hurricanes are almost always followed by rebuilding). Recent analyses have shown that the only places where sustained, substantial loss of housing in the US occurs are in areas of widespread property abandonment at the center of large urban areas that are decentralizing (Lee and Leigh 2005); these areas affect a very small proportion of the landscape compared to areas where houses remain or are becoming more numerous. Urban core property abandonment is even more unlikely in Oregon because the state encourages new development within city centers (Wassmer and Baass 2006).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Assessing housing growth when census boundaries change

Syphard

Stewart

Mckeefry

et al. 2009

International Journal of Geographical Information Science

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The US Census provides the primary source of spatially explicit social data, but changing block boundaries complicate analyses of housing growth over time. We compared procedures for reconciling housing density data between 1990 and 2000 census block boundaries in order to assess the sensitivity of analytical methods to estimates of housing growth in Oregon. Estimates of housing growth varied substantially and were sensitive to the method of interpolation. With no processing and areal-weighted interpolation, more than 35% of the landscape changed; 75-80% of this change was due to decline in housing density. This decline was implausible, however, because housing structures generally persist over time. Based on aggregated boundaries, 11% of the landscape changed, but only 4% experienced a decline in housing density. Nevertheless, the housing density change map was almost twice as coarse spatially as the 2000 housing density data. We also applied a dasymetric approach to redistribute 1990 housing data into 2000 census boundaries under the assumption that the distribution of housing in 2000 reflected the same distribution as in 1990. The dasymetric approach resulted in conservative change estimates at a fine resolution. All methods involved some type of trade-off (e.g. analytical difficulty, data resolution, magnitude or bias in direction of change). However, our dasymetric procedure is a novel approach for assessing housing growth over changing census boundaries that may be particularly useful because it accounts for the uniquely persistent nature of housing over time.

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“…Density gradients, also called density-decay models, reveal a picture of density distribution around centres. Density-decay profiles also have been used to explore historical changes and trends (e.g., Filion, Bunting, McSpurren, & Tse, 2004;Griffith & Wong, 2007;Lee & Leigh, 2005;Waddell, 1994). Modifications of this method encompass diverse definitions of centres, density types and decay functions (linear versus non-linear), which…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%