The Role of the UN in International Crisis Termination, 1945-1994

DeRouen, Karl

doi:10.1080/1024269032000000000

Cited by 18 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…Results from a Hausman test suggest the need to model fixed effects (StataCorp 2003:202). 16 Next, we consider the possibility of selection effects—that there are unobserved factors that control whether or not a country receives FDI, which could introduce systematic bias (see Blanton 2000; Reed 2000; DeRouen 2003). For example, U.S. FDI might only go to wealthier developing countries or those with no conflict, resulting in a flawed interpretation of the relative significance of these variables.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Following the Flag: Troop Deployment and U.S. Foreign Direct Investment

2007

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In contrast to the 19th and early 20th centuries, the effects of security factors on foreign direct investment (FDI) have received limited interest in the post-Cold War era. Using panel data for 126 developing countries between 1966 and 2002, and controlling for macroeconomic conditions, economic reforms, and level of democratization, this essay tests the effects of ''follow the flag'' variables on U.S. FDI. Security factors can affect FDI in two stages: the initial decision over whether to invest and the second stage, which involves the amount invested. Our results indicate a selection effect and that follow the flag factors are influential both in the selection phase and in the main equation for U.S. investors. However, such results are not found for global investors, suggesting that positive links between economic and security goals only hold for U.S. firms.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…24 24 DeRouen (2003) found that the same factors that selected the U.N. into crises actually undermined its success. There was a negative rho in this case. …”

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confidence: 99%

Following the Flag: Troop Deployment and U.S. Foreign Direct Investment

2007

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“…For example, <5% of all the crises in our data, and <10% of the crises that experienced some form of involvement, involve peacekeeping or enforcement missions. Equally important, peacekeeping and enforcement missions are not the only form of intervention that can make an effective contribution to conflict management (DeRouen 2003).…”

Section: Existing Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…9 9 An important exception is the study by Fortna (2004b,c). DeRouen (2003), although primarily interested in analyzing the outcome of UN intervention efforts, also offers some analysis of the conditions under which the UN is more likely to involve itself in international crises. …”

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confidence: 99%

Following the Flag or Following the Charter? Examining the Determinants of UN Involvement in International Crises, 1945-20021

Beardsley

Schmidt

2011

International Studies Quarterly

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This paper compares the explanatory power of two models of UN intervention behavior: (i) an ''organizational mission model'' built around the proposition that variations in the amount of resources that the UN devotes to different conflicts primarily reflect the degree to which a conflict poses a challenge to the UN's organizational mandate of promoting international peace and stability and (ii) a ''parochial interest model'' that revolves around the purely private interests of the five veto-holding members of the UN Security Council (the so-called P-5), i.e., interests that are either unrelated to or at odds with the UN's organizational mandate. Examining data on UN conflict management efforts in more than 270 international crises between 1945 and 2002, we find that measures of the severity and escalatory potential of a conflict are significantly better predictors of the extent of UN involvement in international crises than variables that measure P-5 interests that do not align with the UN's organizational mission of acting as a global peacemaker. This suggests that the UN adheres more closely to the humanitarian and security mission laid out in its Charter than critics of the organization often suggest.

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“… Beardsley and Schmidt () and DeRouen () make compelling cases for why other forms of intervention are equally interesting for this question. …”

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confidence: 99%

The Politics of Peacekeeping: UN Security Council Oversight Across Peacekeeping Missions

Allen

Yuen

2013

Int Stud Q

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Why are some peacekeeping mandates broad and expansive while others are narrow and well defined? Does variation in mandate flexibility reflect the needs inherent in resolving the conflict or the political interests of powerful states? The modern thread of debate surrounding UN action focuses on whether the political interests of the Permanent Five (P5) members in the Security Council or the stated goals of the institution as a whole drive UN behavior. While most analyses focus on where the UN intervenes to assess the political "pull" that member states exert on the institution, we examine variation in operational latitude across UN peacekeeping in war-torn states. Our analysis offers three main results. Powerful states do constrain international bureaucracies; however, bureaucratic independence varies with the intrinsic interests of the P5. Further, heterogeneity across powerful state preferences systematically affects bureaucratic flexibility in peacekeeping.Why are some peacekeeping mandates broad and expansive while others are narrow and well defined? Does variation in mandate flexibility reflect the needs inherent to resolving the conflict or the political interests of powerful states? Since the 1990s, peacekeeping operations have increasingly been sent to civil wars as a tool for managing conflict. Peacekeeping has grown in scope and scale, ranging from small, unarmed observer missions to enforcement missions employing tens of thousands of troops tasked with providing security for vulnerable populations using "all means necessary," language that signifies the use of force beyond self-defense. With the proliferation of missions, questions have arisen as to why some conflicts get missions while others do not. Various studies have shown that where missions go depends on a variety of factors, including need (for example, high fatalities) and political ties (for example, colonial relationships). Concurrently, the UN has undergone significant bureaucratization, a development that delegates functions to experts tasked with the research and day-to-day management of peacekeeping operations (Barnett and Finnemore 1999). This structure was designed to relieve the UN Security Council (UNSC) members from management responsibilities to free up the Council for other issues. Presumably, this also allows the experts to do their jobs without interference once the tasks are delegated (Cortell and Peterson 2006). If this characterization of the UN bureaucracy is how the UN functions in practice, then any political effects should show themselves in the decision to send peacekeepers but no further, meaning the bureaucrats develop and interpret mandates and carry responsibility for outcomes. Currently, the literature on peacekeeping lacks a systematic analysis of what happens once the mission is established. Do the civil servants have the flexibility to address the needs of a fragile peace or are they hindered by political considerations? If politics exert a lingering effect on peacekeeping even after the mission is approved, then...

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The Role of the UN in International Crisis Termination, 1945-1994

Cited by 18 publications

References 6 publications

Following the Flag: Troop Deployment and U.S. Foreign Direct Investment

Following the Flag: Troop Deployment and U.S. Foreign Direct Investment

Following the Flag or Following the Charter? Examining the Determinants of UN Involvement in International Crises, 1945-20021

The Politics of Peacekeeping: UN Security Council Oversight Across Peacekeeping Missions

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