The Rush Hour: The Character of Leisure Time and Gender Equity

Bittman, Michael; Wajcman, Judy

doi:10.2307/2675568

Cited by 323 publications

(239 citation statements)

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“…The most substantial difference between parents and nonparents was in exclusive spousal time, with parents averaging less than half as much time alone together as nonparents on weekends and weekdays. Even among parents, however, we found noteworthy differences—consistent with Bittman and Wajcman (2000)—that likely reflect the changing time demands of children as they age. For example, parents of children under age 2 spent more time together in total, but less time alone together, than parents of elementary school–age children (6–9) on both weekends and weekdays.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 59%

“…Compared to parents of younger children, parents of older children spend greater shares of time in leisure (Bittman & Wajcman, 2000; Voorpostel et al, 2009) and more time together without children (Barnet-Verzat et al, 2010; Kalmijn & Bernasco, 2001; Roeters & Treas, 2011). Differentiating between children of different ages makes sense both because children may demand less time from parents at older ages and because relationships between children's age and parents’ shared time are not necessarily linear (Bittman & Wajcman, 2000; Kalmijn & Bernasco, 2001; Roeters & Treas, 2011; Voorpostel et al, 2009). Although Kingston and Nock (1987) found no difference between couples with and without preschoolers in total time spent with a spouse outside of child care, most of the extant literature suggests that younger children (compared to older children) are negatively associated with couples’ shared time, suggesting our third hypothesis:

Hypothesis 3: Parents of younger children spend less time together than parents of older children.

…”

Section: Work Parenting and Couples’ Shared Timementioning

confidence: 99%

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Time for Each Other: Work and Family Constraints Among Couples

Flood

Genadek

2015

J of Marriage and Family

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Little is known about couples’ shared time and how actual time spent together is associated with well-being. In this study, the authors investigated how work and family demands are related to couples’ shared time (total and exclusive) and individual well-being (happiness, meaningfulness, and stress) when with one's spouse. They used individual-level data from the 2003–2010 American Time Use Survey (N = 46,883), including the 2010 Well-Being Module. The results indicated that individuals in full-time working dual-earner couples spend similar amounts of time together as individuals in traditional breadwinner–homemaker arrangements on weekdays after accounting for daily work demands. The findings also show that parents share significantly less total and exclusive spousal time together than nonparents, though there is considerable variation among parents by age of the youngest child. Of significance is that individuals experience greater happiness and meaning and less stress during time spent with a spouse opposed to time spent apart.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 59%

Hypothesis 3: Parents of younger children spend less time together than parents of older children.

…”

Section: Work Parenting and Couples’ Shared Timementioning

confidence: 99%

Time for Each Other: Work and Family Constraints Among Couples

Flood

Genadek

2015

J of Marriage and Family

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“…Second, high school sports participation is a stronger predictor of PA in 2004 for men than women, which is consistent with research reporting a weaker correlation between childhood and adulthood PA among women (Telama et al, 2005). Women’s family responsibilities may create discontinuity in PA over the life course and curtail women’s opportunities for exercise (Bittman & Wajcman, 2000). The gendered nature of family labor is likely to explain why adolescent PA is a stronger mediator of the effect of parents’ SES on late-life PA among men than women.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Early-Life Socioeconomic Status and Physical Activity in Later Life

Pudrovska

Anishkin

2012

J Aging Health

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Objectives This study examines the association between early-life socioeconomic status (SES) at age 18 and physical activity (PA) at age 65, elucidates mechanisms explaining this association, and explores gender differences in mediating pathways. Methods Multi-group structural equation modeling is applied to the 1957–2004 data from the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study. Results Early-life SES is positively associated with exercise in later life. This association is mediated by socioeconomic resources, health problems, obesity, and depressive symptoms (women only) in 1993 and sports participation in 1957. All mediators explain over 95% of the effect of early-life SES. Discussion This study emphasizes the importance of complex multiple pathways linking early family SES to later-life PA. We identify chains of risks that need to be broken to improve PA among older adults. Our findings also suggest that interventions aimed at maintaining optimal physical functioning in old age should begin at least at midlife.

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“…Even if they hold the same roles as their male counterparts, women may spend more time on female-typed tasks such as housework and childcare (Bianchi et al 2000; Hochschild and Machung 2003). Some evidence suggests that when family responsibilities increase and the volume of unpaid work rises, women’s leisure time declines more than men’s (Bittman and Wajcman 2000; Miller and Brown 2005). Gendered expectations may also reduce time for sleep.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The literature suggests women may sleep more but have poorer quality sleep; men, however, have both more and higher quality leisure (Bittman and Wajcman 2000; Mattingly and Bianchi 2003; Sayer 2005). Although sleep takes up more hours per day than leisure, offering a greater possible range for gender differences, the biological need for sleep and its strong physiological patterning mean it may be less responsive than leisure time to social roles and gendered expectations.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender and Time for Sleep among U.S. Adults

2013

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Do women really sleep more than men? Biomedical and social scientific studies show longer sleep durations for women, a surprising finding given sociological research showing women have more unpaid work and less high-quality leisure time compared to men. We assess explanations for gender differences in time for sleep, including compositional differences in levels of engagement in paid and unpaid labor, gendered responses to work and family responsibilities, and differences in napping, bedtimes, and interrupted sleep for caregiving. We examine the overall gender gap in time for sleep as well as gaps within family life-course stages based on age, partnership, and parenthood statuses. We analyze minutes of sleep from a diary day collected from nationally representative samples of working-age adults in the American Time Use Surveys of 2003 to 2007. Overall and at most life course stages, women slept more than men. Much of the gap is explained by work and family responsibilities and gendered time tradeoffs; as such, gender differences vary across life course stages. The gender gap in sleep time favoring women is relatively small for most comparisons and should be considered in light of the gender gap in leisure time favoring men at all life course stages.

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The Rush Hour: The Character of Leisure Time and Gender Equity

Cited by 323 publications

References 0 publications

Time for Each Other: Work and Family Constraints Among Couples

Time for Each Other: Work and Family Constraints Among Couples

Early-Life Socioeconomic Status and Physical Activity in Later Life

Gender and Time for Sleep among U.S. Adults

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