2020
DOI: 10.1177/0013161x20912299
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The Seduction of Hyper-Surveillance: Standards, Testing, and Accountability

Abstract: The idea of a hyper-surveillance state that devolves school management to the private sector and local governments, but, at the same time, evaluates, inspects, and sanctions schools in the name of “educational quality and equality,” has been advocated by diverse sectors, right and center-left, conservative and liberal, pro-privatization, and pro-public education. It is a seductive policy. This article is based on the case of Chile, which in recent decades has consolidated a performative school market model. Th… Show more

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Cited by 39 publications
(32 citation statements)
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“…These negotiations established the foundations of the final version of the new bill, which consecrated the performative market model. A high-stakes accountability model was a seductive policy, a terrain of consensus for both center-left and right-wing politicians held up as a path to resolve "failings" of the market and respond to students' demands (Falabella, 2020b). In the meantime, the ban on pupil selection was approved only up to sixth grade, without any penalty for noncompliance, while the voucher system, for-profit schools, and co-payment policy remained intact, as well as the lack of any preferential role for the state in public education.…”
Section: Right and Left Holding Hands: Disputes And Post-democracymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These negotiations established the foundations of the final version of the new bill, which consecrated the performative market model. A high-stakes accountability model was a seductive policy, a terrain of consensus for both center-left and right-wing politicians held up as a path to resolve "failings" of the market and respond to students' demands (Falabella, 2020b). In the meantime, the ban on pupil selection was approved only up to sixth grade, without any penalty for noncompliance, while the voucher system, for-profit schools, and co-payment policy remained intact, as well as the lack of any preferential role for the state in public education.…”
Section: Right and Left Holding Hands: Disputes And Post-democracymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…From the perspective of instrumentation, external evaluations and accountability are appealing and convenient choices. The seductive power of these instruments relies on the fact that they contribute to transform complex and multi-dimensional educational realities into numerical categories, and to construct the perception that deep educational problems (such as inequalities or quality issues) can be addressed by setting up predefined patterns of conduct, measuring actors' performance, and distributing incentives accordingly (Falabella, 2018;Barbana, Dumay, & Dupriez, 2014).…”
Section: On the Cumulative Nature Of Educational Governance Reformsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…De la mano con unas robustecidas organizaciones sociales que empezaron a impugnar las políticas recientes 3 , una segunda matriz de análisis surge junto en la primera década del 2000 (Donoso, 2005), consolidándose en la siguiente (Corvalán, 2013;Falabella, 2015Falabella, , 2020Herrera et al, 2018;Oliva, 2012Oliva, , 1017 4 . A diferencia del primer modelo, en este se propone la existencia de una línea de continuidad entre las políticas de la Dictadura y las de la transición, proceso que va escalando en un mismo, aunque más refinado, proyecto educacional.…”
unclassified
“…A diferencia del primer modelo, en este se propone la existencia de una línea de continuidad entre las políticas de la Dictadura y las de la transición, proceso que va escalando en un mismo, aunque más refinado, proyecto educacional. Sus autores optan por miradas de conjunto al período, que proyectan a las primeras décadas del nuevo milenio, utilizando nociones articuladoras como "Arquitectura Curricular Chilena" (Oliva, 2020), "Narrativa Educacional" (Corvalán, 2013), "Efectividad Escolar" (Herrera et al, 2018), "Nueva Gestión Pública" (Falabella, 2015) o "Hyper-Surveillance state" (Falabella, 2020). Al centrar sus estudios en los efectos de las políticas, no consideran centralmente las confluencias y/o debates producidos dentro y entre los campos político y social, lo que ha sido reconocido (Falabella, 2015(Falabella, , 2020.…”
unclassified
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