The structural ergative of Basque and the theory of Case

Řezáč, Milan; Albizu, Pablo; Etxepare, Ricardo

doi:10.1007/s11049-014-9239-7

Cited by 37 publications

(25 citation statements)

References 109 publications

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“…On structural approaches to ergative, see, i.a., Bobaljik and Branigan (2006), Deal (2010a,b), Rezac et al (2014), Erlewine (2016), Clem (2018). split ergativity.…”

Section: Are There Inherent-ergative Languages?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Raising to Ergative: Remarks on Applicatives of Unaccusatives

Deal

2019

Linguistic Inquiry

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Applicatives of unaccusatives provide a crucial test case for the inherent-case view of ergativity. If ergative is assigned only to external arguments, in their θ-positions, there can be no “raising to ergative” in applicative unaccusatives; an internal argument subject can never receive ergative case. In this article, I present evidence from Nez Perce (Sahaptian) that this prediction is false. In Nez Perce applicative unaccusatives, the theme argument raises over the applicative argument and is accordingly marked with ergative case. Nez Perce thus demonstrates raising to ergative. Departing from Baker’s (2014) conclusions for similar phenomena in Shipibo (Panoan), I argue that apparently nonlocal movement of the theme in the raising-to-ergative pattern involves not a covert adpositional structure, but rather a response to independently motivated constraints on antilocal movement and remnant movement.

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“…On structural approaches to ergative, see, i.a., Bobaljik and Branigan (2006), Deal (2010a,b), Rezac et al (2014), Erlewine (2016), Clem (2018). split ergativity.…”

Section: Are There Inherent-ergative Languages?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Overall, there is clearly more to be done empirically to assess the prospects for Shipibo of an antilocality principle of grammar. 30 SeeLevin 1983, Bittner and Hale 1996a,b, Johns 1992, Paul and Travis 2006, Wiltschko 2006, Aldridge 2008, Legate 2008, Rezac et al 2014, Deal 2015a, Polinsky 2016, Clem 2018…”

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confidence: 99%

Raising to Ergative: Remarks on Applicatives of Unaccusatives

Deal

2019

Linguistic Inquiry

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“…If v is obligatorily a licenser across the board, then no matter whether the higher licenser is T (rows J and K) or Asp (rows L and M) and no matter whether v licenses its specifier (rows K and M) or the closest nominal it c‐commands (rows J and L), the resulting pattern will be split‐S with no DOM. Split‐S varieties of Basque, for which ergativity has specifically been argued to be a structural Case from T (see, e.g., Rezac, Albizu & Etxepare ), may furnish us with examples of row J systems . On the other hand, if transitive v is an obligatory licenser, then the resulting patterns will either be erg‐abs with no DOM (for v as an inherent licenser, rows K and M) or nom‐acc with no DOM (for v as a structural licenser, rows J and L).…”

Section: The Crosslinguistic Picturementioning

confidence: 99%

Licensing and Differential Object Marking: The View from Neo‐Aramaic

Kalin

2018

Syntax

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“…In fact, in Eastern dialects, certain simplex agentive verbs align with unaccusatives under a number of syntactic diagnostics, such as the fact that they occur with absolutive subjects and the auxiliary izan 'be'. We have referred to this group of verbs as agentive process verbs, as they convey (non-static) processes, where the subject is interpreted as both the force initiating the process and the entity undergoing it, as illustrated in (6) It must be noted that our proposal is also compatible with a structural approach to ergative case in Basque (e.g., Laka 1993;Fernández 1997;Rezac et al 2014) as long as the DP in [spec, Voice] is always assigned ergative case and the DP within vP always gets absolutive. As a reviewer notes, this can be the case if T assigns ergative to the highest caseless DP in its c-command domain, and Voice assigns absolutive to the DP within vP (see Tollan 2013 for a similar approach).…”

Section: Dialectal Variation: Agentive Process Verbs With Unaccusativmentioning

confidence: 95%

Hybrid intransitives in Basque

Pineda

Berro

2020

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper deals with a group of agentive verbs in Eastern dialects of Basque that show mixed unergative and unaccusative properties. Although they pattern with unergatives in certain aspects, they combine with an absolutive subject and the auxiliary 'be', contrary to what one would expect for Basque unergative verbs. Additionally, they behave like unaccusatives in a number of other tests, such as in their inability to take cognate objects and in allowing partitive subjects. The analysis put forward in this paper accounts for the hybrid nature of these verbs. In particular, we claim that their subject is introduced in the specifier of vP, and that it is coindexed with a thematic but non-pronounced argument of Voice. As a consequence, the subject shows both external and internal properties. This paper thus challenges the mutually exclusive external/internal division of the subject in intransitive verbs and argues that intransitive verbs can be classified into more groups than just two, as also argued elsewhere. Additionally, it argues that the different types of intransitive verbs are grammatically encoded and shaped by different versions of Voice and v. Thus, this analysis assumes the typology of Voice proposed by Schäfer (2008) and developed by Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou and Schäfer (2015), and extends it to the functional head v.

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The structural ergative of Basque and the theory of Case

Cited by 37 publications

References 109 publications

Raising to Ergative: Remarks on Applicatives of Unaccusatives

Raising to Ergative: Remarks on Applicatives of Unaccusatives

Licensing and Differential Object Marking: The View from Neo‐Aramaic

Hybrid intransitives in Basque

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