The Syntacticization of Discourse*

Haegeman, Liliane; Hill, Virginia

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199683239.003.0018

Cited by 221 publications

(89 citation statements)

References 20 publications

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“…This suggests that this type of since-clauses modifies the projections containing such elements, i.e. Speech Act phrases (Cinque 1999, Speas & Tenny 2003, Speas 2004, Haegeman & Hill 2013. Tonhauser et al (2013) Syntactic observations corroborate the hypothesis that since-clauses modify either Evidential Phrases (EvidP) or Speech Act Phrases (SAP).…”

Section: The Since-implication: a Structural Source Of Non-at-issuenesssupporting

confidence: 60%

Non-at-issueness of since-clauses

Charnavel

2017

SALT

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This paper explores the discourse status of English causal clauses introduced by since. Tests for non-at-issueness demonstrate that neither the relation (between the subordinate and the superordinate clause) expressed by since nor the content of the subordinate clause is at-issue. Other diagnostics further show that these two not-at-issue contents triggered by since belong to two different classes of projective content. This can be accounted for by attributing two different sources to their non-at-issueness: the relation expressed by since is not-at-issue for structural reasons, i.e. because since-clauses modify high evidential or speech act phrases, which are not-at-issue; the content of the subordinate clause is not-at-issue because since lexically selects factive clauses. More generally, this study (and future comparative studies on other subordinators) promises to shed further light on the constraints on different contents projected by the same trigger and the role played by structure in non-atissueness.

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Section: The Since-implication: a Structural Source Of Non-at-issuenesssupporting

confidence: 60%

Non-at-issueness of since-clauses

Charnavel

2017

SALT

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“…i.a. Tenny 2000, Speas and Tenny 2003, Sigurðsson 2004, Giorgi 2010, Haegeman and Hill 2013, Lam 2014, and Wiltschko 2015. The core idea here is that the clausal domain dominating CP serves as a specifically SpeakerHearer-oriented zone, which grounds the proposition expressed by the root clause in relation to these key discourse participants.…”

Section: The Formal Properties Of Nie 2 Vis-à-vis Other Reinforcersmentioning

confidence: 99%

'Nie sommer nie': Sociohistorical and formal comparative considerations in the rise and maintenance of the modern Afrikaans negation system

Biberauer¹

2015

SPILPLUS

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“…Recent research by Speas and Tenny (2003), Hill (2013), Haegeman and Hill (2013) and Heim et al (2014) revives Ross' hypothesis. Haegeman & Hill (2013) discuss data from West Flemish (WF) that show that particles like nè(m), wè , zé/zè establish a relationship between speaker and hearer, either in terms of attention-seeking or bonding (Haegeman and Hill 2013: 372-373 These data suggest that speech act particles must be part of a high layer in the extended left periphery of main clauses.…”

Section: (15)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Prosody as an argument for a layered left periphery

Clercq

2017

Nederlandse Taalkunde

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Van Heuven and Haan’s (2000, 2002) experimental work on the prosody of Dutch question types found that the prosodic signalling of interrogativity is stronger for declarative questions, less so for yes/no-questions and even less so for wh-questions. This paper shows how the sequence established on prosodic grounds (declarative questions > yes/no questions > wh questions > statements) is mirrored in the functional hierarchy in syntax. Prosody therefore provides an argument for a detailed left periphery (Rizzi 1997, 2001; Haegeman & Hill 2013).

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The Syntacticization of Discourse*

Cited by 221 publications

References 20 publications

Non-at-issueness of since-clauses

Non-at-issueness of since-clauses

'Nie sommer nie': Sociohistorical and formal comparative considerations in the rise and maintenance of the modern Afrikaans negation system

Prosody as an argument for a layered left periphery

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