2009
DOI: 10.1075/la.141.08the
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The syntax and semantics of the temporal anaphor “then” in Old and Middle English

Abstract: The fact that þa/þonne ‘then’ trigger V2 in OE is commonly accounted for by assuming that these adverbs are operators that trigger V-to-C movement. This paper presents an alternative analysis based on the observation that þa/þonne and pronouns are in complementary distribution in preverbal position. We identify this position as SpecTP, arguing that OE was a discourseconfigurational language where SpecTP was linked to the discourse anchoring of anaphoric/deictic expressions, including pronouns and temporal anap… Show more

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Cited by 21 publications
(4 citation statements)
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“…( 52) and ( 53 Examples like (55) are in line with observations elsewhere in early Germanic that the prefield frequently hosts constituents which are 'discourse-linking'; more specifically, it has been shown that clause-initial discourse adverbs typically mark a sequence of foregrounded successive actions or events which do not overlap temporally, see e.g. Foster (1975); Enkvist & Wårvik (1987); Wårvik (2011); Trips & Fuß (2009); Los (2012) on Old English, Betten (1987) on Old High German and Klein (1994) on Gothic.…”
Section: The Information-structural Characteristics Of the Prefieldsupporting
confidence: 79%
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“…( 52) and ( 53 Examples like (55) are in line with observations elsewhere in early Germanic that the prefield frequently hosts constituents which are 'discourse-linking'; more specifically, it has been shown that clause-initial discourse adverbs typically mark a sequence of foregrounded successive actions or events which do not overlap temporally, see e.g. Foster (1975); Enkvist & Wårvik (1987); Wårvik (2011); Trips & Fuß (2009); Los (2012) on Old English, Betten (1987) on Old High German and Klein (1994) on Gothic.…”
Section: The Information-structural Characteristics Of the Prefieldsupporting
confidence: 79%
“…For instance, it is well-known that word order is information-structurally driven in early Germanic (e.g. Trips & Fuß 2009;Hinterhölzl & Petrova 2009;Bech & Eide 2014) and that, by comparison, position is generally more important at this early stage for marking information structure than in the corresponding modern languages. I return to this issue in Section 6 in relation to Old Icelandic.…”
Section: Discourse Configurationalitymentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…show that the logic behind the verb-second system was falling apart after 1300 (at the latest), and that there is evidence for both partial overgeneralization of verb-second in contexts where it was not previously attested, and for a decrease in use and loss of the information-structural relevance of verb-second in contexts where it was previously more robust. Specifically with regard to þa (and þonne ), Fuß & Trips argue that its status as a trigger of verb-second is lost roughly in the period 1340–1475 (Fuß & Trips 2003; Trips & Fuß 2007). In general, careful assessment of the evidence leads to the conclusion that ‘verb-second was all but defunct by 1500’ (Los 2009: 110; see also Warner 2007).…”
Section: Wearð and Boundednessmentioning
confidence: 99%