The Tense-Mood-Aspect System of Berbice Dutch

Robertson, Ian E.

doi:10.1075/cll.6.07rob

Cited by 3 publications

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“…Very few studies of creole modality appeared in the first phase of research, and most of them consisted of brief sketches or overviews, such as Winford's (1993) account of modality in Jamaican and Guyanese creoles, and brief discussions of some aspects of modality in HC by Magloire-Holly (1982), Spears (1990), and Lefebvre (1996). Other studies that provided brief overviews of modality included those by Singler (1988) on Liberian English and Robertson (1990) on Berbice Dutch. These studies demonstrated that the modality systems of these creoles covered a much wider range of notions than the putative irrealis category proposed by Bickerton.…”

Section: Modal Categories In Creolesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Creole Tense–Mood–Aspect Systems

Winford

2018

Annu. Rev. Linguist.

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Research on creole tense–mood–aspect (TMA) systems began in earnest as a response to Bickerton's claim that there was a prototypical system shaped by a language bioprogram. This article presents an overview of such research, as well as a comparison of TMA systems across creoles of different lexical affiliations. A growing body of research in the last 20 years has employed typological and semantic frameworks to demonstrate the diversity and complexity of creole TMA systems. Creoles employ rich inventories of temporal and modal categories whose core meanings interact with the discourse context to produce different interpretations. The syntax of creole TMA also closely follows the universal hierarchy of functional heads proposed by Cinque. The emergence and development of the TMA categories themselves follow general principles of internally and externally motivated change.

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Section: Modal Categories In Creolesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Creole Tense–Mood–Aspect Systems

Winford

2018

Annu. Rev. Linguist.

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“…This model also emphasizes a Cholan subgroup, placing Ch'olti’ and Ch'orti’ as descendents of a common proto-Eastern Cholan ancestor. Yet a third proposed arrangement has Huastecan as a late descendant of Greater Tzeltalan, Ch'orti’ as a daughter to Ch'olti, and considers Tojolobal, a language that shares many lexical elements with Tzeltalan languages, but most grammatical elements with Chuj, to be a Tzeltalan language (Robertson 1992). Most of the similarities that Tojolobal bears to Tzeltalan languages can be explained by diffusion, however, and the sound changes that Robertson uses to group Huastecan with the Greater Tzeltalan languages are either demonstrably late or exhibit different conditions than those manifest by Greater Tzeltalan (Kaufman 1989; Kaufman and Justeson 2008; Mora-Marín 2003:189).…”

Section: The Genetic Relationship Of Mayan Languagesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Evolution of Ancient Maya Exchange Systems: An Etymological Study of Economic Vocabulary in the Mayan Language Family

Speal

2014

Ancient Mesoam

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This article presents a cultural reconstruction of ancient Maya economic development derived through etymological study of exchange-related terms in Mayan languages. It applies the results of historical linguistic analysis to archaeological and epigraphic data in order to gain insight into Maya economic prehistory. Cognitive spheres examined include generalized exchange, reciprocation, appropriation and vertical transfers of goods and labor, open commerce, and material valuables. Among the most poignant implications of the results are the antiquity of commerce and its rather extended evolutionary trajectory. Indicators of intense commercialization, however, are few and rather late. Widespread recognition of several elements of the diverse complex of Contact period Mesoamerican valuables can be traced only to the latter part of the Late Formative period or afterward. Evidence of formalized market systems—specifically linking commerce to towns and architectural plazas—appears only late in the Classic period. Terms associated with the hierarchical appropriation of goods and labor appear earlier and are more persistent and stable over time. In particular, there is a single widespread root for tribute obligation apparently subsuming tax, plunder, and work debt all under a single term, as well as evidence for the great antiquity of formalized servitude. Finally, various forms of general reciprocity and gifting are, as might be expected, shown to be of great diversity, complexity, and antiquity. In the course of analysis, several recent models of Mayan language interaction and diversification are examined and evaluated, and a slightly revised linguistic chronology is suggested that better reconciles linguistic data with archaeological facts as they are currently known. The results also have interesting implications for proto-Mayan geographical origins.

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“…6 Now, a crucial factor may be that such environments maximize the social and/or physical distance between the potential basilectal creole speakers and the source language speakers, as compared with fort situations. More precisely, plantations of all 5) On Berbice Dutch, see Robertson (1990) and Kouwenberg (1991). 6) Whether industrial labor under the same conditions would have produced similar results is a question that must be left for science fiction writers to answer.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

Tayo, The Strange Bird from New Caledonia

Kihm

1995

JPCL

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According to the Language Bioprogram Hypothesis, the core grammars of all "real" creoles should be alike to a significant degree. Real creoles are then defined as those creoles that were born on plantations, as opposed to those that appeared in so-called fort situations, that is, around trading posts and the like. The validity of the hypothesis depends on the precise characterization of what counts as a plantation situation, which is by no means an obvious task, contrary to what seems to have been assumed. An attempt toward such a characterization is made here. Tayo, a French-based creole spoken in the south of New Caledonia, can be considered a plantation creole and should therefore appear similar to, for example, Haitian and Isle-de-France Creole. That it differs radically from these languages in such basic domains as the determiner and the TMA systems, however, is easily demonstrated. Factors that might explain the difference are then examined, with the conclusion that only relexification from a substrate New Caledonian language can be retained as the primary reason for this difference. Although arguably a plantation creole, Tayo falls thus clearly outside the scope of the LBH, appearing rather as strong supportive evidence for the Relexification Hypothesis. Given the importance of the case for deciding between competing theories, further detailed investigation is urgently needed in order to ascertain whether Tayo is indeed a plantation creole, as it is seems to be, in view of the available historical and ecological evidence.

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The Tense-Mood-Aspect System of Berbice Dutch

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Creole Tense–Mood–Aspect Systems

Creole Tense–Mood–Aspect Systems

The Evolution of Ancient Maya Exchange Systems: An Etymological Study of Economic Vocabulary in the Mayan Language Family

Tayo, The Strange Bird from New Caledonia

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