The Trans-Caspian energy route: Cronyism, competition and cooperation in Kazakh oil export

Guliyev, Farid; Akhrarkhodjaeva, Nozima

doi:10.1016/j.enpol.2009.04.009

Cited by 17 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 4 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

Section: Authoritarianism and Digital Media In Azerbaijanmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Azerbaijan has an economy dominated by fuel exports, allowing the regime to preempt any opposition (Guliyev, 2009), and it has been dominated by a father and son, Heydar and Ilham Aliyev, since 1993. The younger Aliyev has suppressed opposition groups and violated basic rights and civil liberties (Grono, 2011). Scholars describe Azerbaijani citizens as marked by a ''pervasive bitterness and growing sense of deprivation'' (Rasizade, 2003, p. 127), a general sense of apathy and fear (Abbasov, 2010), and a lack of trust in others (Gahramanova, 2009).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…By 2010, the Internet had slowly reached about a third of Azerbaijanis, but most of the frequent users were wealthier, better educated, younger urbanites, often with higher English proficiency (Pearce & Rice, forthcoming). Azerbaijan does little direct filtering of Internet content, although they have sporadically filtered opposition news sources, especially before elections (Grono, 2011;OpenNet Initiative, 2010). Social media users interviewed for this study report that both human and software monitoring systems are watching ''everyone'' on Facebook in Azerbaijan.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Networked Authoritarianism and Social Media in Azerbaijan

Pearce

Kendzior

2012

Journal of Communication

141

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The diffusion of digital media does not always have democratic consequences. This mixedmethods study examines how the government of Azerbaijan dissuaded Internet users from political activism. We examine how digital media were used for networked authoritarianism, a form of Internet control common in former Soviet states where manipulation over digitally mediated social networks is used more than outright censorship. Through a content analysis of 3 years of Azerbaijani media, a 2-year structural equation model of the relationship between Internet use and attitudes toward protest, and interviews with Azerbaijani online activists, we find that the government has successfully dissuaded frequent Internet users from supporting protest and average Internet users from using social media for political purposes.

show abstract

Section: Authoritarianism and Digital Media In Azerbaijanmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Networked Authoritarianism and Social Media in Azerbaijan

Pearce

Kendzior

2012

Journal of Communication

141

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The most powerful oligarchic networks are comprised of personal networks arrayed around Nazarbayev. For example, in most energy deals Kazakh interests are represented by KMG, which is headed by the president's son-in-law Kulibayev (Guliyev and Akhrarkhodjaeva 2009). 25 This patrimonial web of discrete horizontal interests extends to Nazarbayev's close associates, who control the main levers of economic power and the repressive state apparatus.…”

Section: From State Capture To Consolidation Of Crony Capitalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Circling the barrels: Kazakhstan’s regime stability in the wake of the 2014 oil bust

Skalamera

2020

Central Asian Survey

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Most of Kazakhstan's wealth hinges on oil rents, and the overall performance of the economy is closely linked to petroleum's price fluctuations. This study asks (1) why the institution of private ownership of oil proceeds has not led to a positive transformation of patron-client relations embedded in the country's energy sector, thus challenging the relevance of the 'private ownership' narrative, and (2) why the collapse in the price of oil did not affect the stability and essential character of the regime in power. To answer these questions, the article examines two case studies: the privatization of the oil sector in the 1990s, and the post-2014 oil crisis. Thus the article problematizes important theories on oil-sector privatization and contributes to recent work on regime stability as it pertains to the resource curse. The analysis of the constitutive impact of oil wealth on Kazakh politics generates wider insights on the links between the power of informal networks and regime stability in petrostates through boom and bust cycles.

show abstract

“…15405/epsbs.2020.10.05.130 Corresponding Author: Anton Pavlovich Shmelev Selection and peer-review under responsibility of the Organizing Committee of the conference eISSN: 2357-1330 984 if not in the Caspian, then in the Central Asian region. A sufficiently large influence on the processes was exerted by the political elites of the new Caspian countries, which predetermined the impact on them from external actors (Heinricha & Pleines, 2015;Guliyev & Akhrarkhodjaeva, 2009). The geopolitical confrontation influenced the negotiation process on the legal status of the sea.…”

Section: Problem Statementmentioning

confidence: 99%