The UK, the European Union and NATO: Brexit’s unintended consequences

Dunn, David H.; Webber, Mark

doi:10.1080/23340460.2017.1294465

Cited by 14 publications

(10 citation statements)

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“…NATO, the EU, or both) depends on the agent's capabilities and preferences. After Brexit, the UK will opt by default for NATO (Dunn and Webber, ) – admittedly not a significant re‐orientation in British foreign policy, given its special relationship with the US. However, the UK could lose an ability that other member states have, namely to choose which organisation better fits its preferences.…”

Section: Will Brexit Affect the Eu–nato Relationship?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Keep Calm and Carry On (Differently): NATO and CSDP after Brexit

Cladi

Locatelli

2019

Global Policy

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This article investigates the impact that Brexit could have on the relationship between NATO and the Common European Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The relationship between NATO and CSDP has historically not been straightforward and Brexit seems to have intervened as an aggravating factor. In fact, the EU has launched a series of military initiatives and it has now renewed its ambition to create separate military headquarters from NATO. The UK will join countries such as Norway and Turkey in being a member of NATO but not of the EU, affording greater importance to NATO to the detriment of cooperation with its European allies. This article provides an analytical framework to analyse the possible effects of Brexit upon the EU–NATO relationship. In so doing, it lays out three distinct levels of analysis. These are the state level, the inter‐organisational level and, finally, the personnel level. The levels of analysis allow us to generate empirical observations, which then lead us to suggest three scenarios for the development of the EU–NATO relationship beyond Brexit.

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Section: Will Brexit Affect the Eu–nato Relationship?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Keep Calm and Carry On (Differently): NATO and CSDP after Brexit

Cladi

Locatelli

2019

Global Policy

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“…And yet, within the (considerable) literature on the topic, there is no consensus on how the security domain will evolve (e.g. Biscop 2016;Black et al 2017;Blagden 2017;Dunn and Webber 2016;Hadfield 2018;Kienzle and Hallams 2016;Koenig 2016;Whitman 2016a;Whitman 2016b).…”

Section: Integration Theory After Brexitmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Understanding the pattern of integration/disintegration and differentiation/harmonisation in foreign affairs is thus key to understanding EU/UK security relations after Brexit. And yet, within the (considerable) literature on the topic, there is no consensus on how the security domain will evolve (for example, Biscop, 2016; Black et al, 2017; Blagden, 2017; Dunn and Webber, 2016; Hadfield, 2018; Kienzle and Hallams, 2016; Koenig, 2016; Whitman, 2016a, 2016b).…”

Section: Integration Theory After Brexitmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Moreover, the distinct memberships of the two organisations mean some countries are not covered by the collective defence provisions of Article 5 (Tannock, 2017: 21). Finally, although there is no reason to believe the souring of EU-UK relations will be a permanent feature of the political landscape, it will be difficult in the short to medium term to prevent Brexit-induced squabbles from spilling over into NATO priorities, thereby risking further diminution of alliance solidarity and credibility (Dunn and Webber, 2016; Major and von Voss, 2017: 476).…”

Section: Ways Forward For Post-brexit European Security: Csdp+ Natomentioning

confidence: 99%

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Post-Brexit EU/UK security cooperation: NATO, CSDP+, or ‘French connection’?

Martill

Sus

2018

The British Journal of Politics and International Relations

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The purpose of this article is to understand the EU/UK security relationship after Brexit and the institutional form(s) it may take. Taking stock of the literature on the consequences of Brexit for European foreign affairs, this article employs a question-driven approach to examine uncertainties regarding the future EU/UK security relationship. These questions relate in particular to the United Kingdom’s commitment to European security after Brexit, the nature of post-Brexit developments within the Union, and the European Union’s willingness to afford the United Kingdom a substantial role after withdrawal. This article examines each of these questions in turn, before considering the viability of three frequently mooted institutional arrangements post-Brexit: UK participation in the CSDP as a third country; increased engagement with NATO that becomes the main platform for cooperation between the United Kingdom and the European Union; and the enhancement of bilateral ties between the United Kingdom and key European allies – especially France.

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“…However, like the relationship as a whole, an overwhelming British dependency on the United States in space may not always provide strategic returns for the United Kingdom (Dumbrell, 2009: 77). British security risks being fundamentally altered by Brexit (Dunn and Webber, 2016;Oliver and Williams, 2016;Pannier, 2016;Uttley and Wilkinson, 2016a), and in particular by the United Kingdom's potential exclusion from the EU's space industrial policy.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

British strategy and outer space: A missing link?

Bowen

2018

The British Journal of Politics and International Relations

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The British Journal of Politics and International RelationsHowever, the study of spacepower -the use of outer space's military and economic advantages for strategic ends -remains a small subfield within strategic studies (Gray 1996;Dolman 2002;Klein 2006; Sheehan 2007; Lutes et al 2011, Harding 2013. Rarer still is that of the strategic aspects of British space activities (Sheldon 2010;Hill 2011;Quintana 2017). This article begins to address this gap by arguing that the discussion and study of British security strategy is missing the enabling link of spacepower. British freedom of action on Earth, and its critical infrastructure, is influenced by its dependencies on others in space. This article also presents a brief contextual analysis of the major space powers as assessing British spacepower is a relative and contextual task. Spacepower is one of the essential 'elements, both military and non-military, for the preservation and enhancement of the This article proceeds by first categorising Britain as a secondary space power in the international context and identifying strengths and dependencies in British space capabilities. A 'space power' is an entity that uses outer space for its political objectives; whilst 'spacepower' is 'the ability in peace, crisis, and war to exert prompt and sustained influence in or from space' (Sheldon 2010: 28). Spacepower is more than missile defence systems or the exploitation of the informationbased 'Revolution in Military Affairs ' (Gray and Sheldon 1999: 24). Spacepower also assists in the development of a state's security, economy, and infrastructure in a subtler yet more pervasive grand strategic sense. Space technology is used for precision agriculture as well as precision bombing.Satellites in orbit ensure a web of connectivity around the Earth and gather all manner of information about human and natural behaviour and systems on Earth. Second, it examines the increasing institutional recognition of space in Whitehall set against the context of austerity-led strategy-making

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The UK, the European Union and NATO: Brexit’s unintended consequences

Cited by 14 publications

References 5 publications

Keep Calm and Carry On (Differently): NATO and CSDP after Brexit

Keep Calm and Carry On (Differently): NATO and CSDP after Brexit

Post-Brexit EU/UK security cooperation: NATO, CSDP+, or ‘French connection’?

British strategy and outer space: A missing link?

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