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Introduction: War and the idea of EuropeIn the last volume of his monumental Jean-Christophe, published in 1912, Romain Rolland lingered on a disturbing change unsettling European society:The fire smouldering in the forest of Europe was beginning to burst into flames. In vain did they try to put it out in one place; it only broke out in another. With gusts of smoke and a shower of sparks it swept from one point to another, burning the dry brushwood.[…] The whole of Europe, that Europe that only yesterday was sceptical and apathetic, like a dead wood, was swept by the flames. All men were possessed by the desire for battle. War was ever on the point of breaking out. It was stamped out, but it sprang to life again. […] Europe looked like a vast armed vigil. 1 It was an accurate premonition; and it was shared by others. In 1913, Carl Gustav Jung's nightmares of a tremendous flood covering the whole of Europe, a land devastated 'by yellow waves, swimming rubble, and the death of countless thousands', and Ludwig Meidner's 'Apokalyptische Stadt', offering the viewers a burning and devastated city, both announced the impending catastrophe that would soon tear Europe apart. 2 From around 1900 onwards, the feeling of impending doom came to be shared by an increasing number of writers, artists, and intellectuals. Many of them, belonging to avant-gardes and arrière-gardes alike, were eager to welcome it. 3 As Rolland noted, Europe seemed possessed by a seemingly inexplicable lust for war, violence, and revolt. The acceptance of an inevitable decadence or decline, so popular in intellectual circles from the 1870s to the 1890s, had gradually receded, giving space to a yearning for action. A desire for great men and heroic deeds became widespread. Violence seemed the solution to Europe's predicaments: the only way to arrest its decline.The place of warfare violence in the history of ideas, images, and representations of Europe is an aspect often overlooked by historians. Partly, this has been a consequence of the prominent role played by the liberal discourse about Europe. In the works of a variegated array of liberal thinkers that includes the Baron de Montesquieu, François Guizot, and Benedetto Croce, Europe has been by definition the place of liberty, usually contrasted with Asia as the land of despotism. Consistently, its history has been the story of the unfolding of freedomhowever imperfectand of the attainment of perpetual peacedespite the many drawbacks. Progress would inevitably lead to a pacified and prosperous Europe. In some cases, as in Richard Cobden's popular version, peace was preceded or accompanied by some sort of economic unification. In this important vulgate, practical reason and economic interests would eventually lead to a European federation ending all wars. While this has been one of the most important discourses about European identitynot least for political convenienceothers, less popular yet more disenchanted and realistic, considered Europe as the place where, despite unending massacresor, perh...
Introduction: War and the idea of EuropeIn the last volume of his monumental Jean-Christophe, published in 1912, Romain Rolland lingered on a disturbing change unsettling European society:The fire smouldering in the forest of Europe was beginning to burst into flames. In vain did they try to put it out in one place; it only broke out in another. With gusts of smoke and a shower of sparks it swept from one point to another, burning the dry brushwood.[…] The whole of Europe, that Europe that only yesterday was sceptical and apathetic, like a dead wood, was swept by the flames. All men were possessed by the desire for battle. War was ever on the point of breaking out. It was stamped out, but it sprang to life again. […] Europe looked like a vast armed vigil. 1 It was an accurate premonition; and it was shared by others. In 1913, Carl Gustav Jung's nightmares of a tremendous flood covering the whole of Europe, a land devastated 'by yellow waves, swimming rubble, and the death of countless thousands', and Ludwig Meidner's 'Apokalyptische Stadt', offering the viewers a burning and devastated city, both announced the impending catastrophe that would soon tear Europe apart. 2 From around 1900 onwards, the feeling of impending doom came to be shared by an increasing number of writers, artists, and intellectuals. Many of them, belonging to avant-gardes and arrière-gardes alike, were eager to welcome it. 3 As Rolland noted, Europe seemed possessed by a seemingly inexplicable lust for war, violence, and revolt. The acceptance of an inevitable decadence or decline, so popular in intellectual circles from the 1870s to the 1890s, had gradually receded, giving space to a yearning for action. A desire for great men and heroic deeds became widespread. Violence seemed the solution to Europe's predicaments: the only way to arrest its decline.The place of warfare violence in the history of ideas, images, and representations of Europe is an aspect often overlooked by historians. Partly, this has been a consequence of the prominent role played by the liberal discourse about Europe. In the works of a variegated array of liberal thinkers that includes the Baron de Montesquieu, François Guizot, and Benedetto Croce, Europe has been by definition the place of liberty, usually contrasted with Asia as the land of despotism. Consistently, its history has been the story of the unfolding of freedomhowever imperfectand of the attainment of perpetual peacedespite the many drawbacks. Progress would inevitably lead to a pacified and prosperous Europe. In some cases, as in Richard Cobden's popular version, peace was preceded or accompanied by some sort of economic unification. In this important vulgate, practical reason and economic interests would eventually lead to a European federation ending all wars. While this has been one of the most important discourses about European identitynot least for political convenienceothers, less popular yet more disenchanted and realistic, considered Europe as the place where, despite unending massacresor, perh...
Napoleon Bonaparte is a veritable “case” for Nietzsche: he does not reduce Napoleon to a single image, but he rather builds up an ambiguous image of Napoleon for years without trying to define a final result. This ongoing construction is due to Nietzsche’s deep admiration for Napoleon that, however great it may be, does not avoid a certain distancing. Defined as the synthesis of Unmensch and Übermensch, Nietzsche regards Napoleon as an extraordinary human being because of his immorality when he exercised power. It is precisely this extraordinary nature that makes Napoleon a model for understanding the concept of the Übermensch.
The article analyzes the phenomenon of war as an integral component of Friedrich Nietzsche's philosophical and socio-political views. It is noted that Friedrich Nietzsche, in generally, positively assessed war in its various manifestations in the life of society, also considering it a natural, integral part of the social and individual existence of a human being. It is emphasized that this position of the philosopher in the philosophical-historical context had many supporters among famous Western philosophers of different times. In the analysis of Friedrich Nietzsche's direct ideas about war, it is concluded that these ideas have an irrational character with elements of psychologism and biologism. In this context, the organic connection of the irrationalist interpretation of the phenomenon of war with the general philosophical ideas of the thinker is emphasized. Directly, the connection between the idea of war and the Nietzschean concept of the will to power, the idea of superman, and the concept of Apollonian and Dionysian (rational and irrational) culture is pointed out. These Nietzschean ideas are also irrational in nature. In addition to the general philosophical context, the work also analyzes the more practical thoughts of Friedrich Nietzsche regarding war as an integral part of socio-political and cultural processes in the history of European society. It is in this context that this work indicates that many of Friedrich Nietzsche's judgments about the content of the phenomenon of war and its impact on the life of society are useful. They help to understand more deeply and comprehensively the complex nature of the phenomenon of war, relying on psychological and biological considerations in addition to the irrational approach. It is indicated that the problem of war is used by the philosopher for a critical analysis of the problems of European society, which, according to Friedrich Nietzsche and many of his followers, is becoming more and more crisis-like with a tendency towards final self-destruction. It is noted that Friedrich Nietzsche himself saw rationalism as the main cause of this crisis, which, in his opinion, is most characteristic of the existing Western culture. It is concluded that despite some controversial aspects of Friedrich Nietzsche's views on the phenomenon of war, they, nevertheless, have a positive and promising character for the further understanding of this phenomenon. It is emphasized that in today's conditions, in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war, which is currently raging and has become a challenge not only for Ukrainian society, but also for all of humanity, it is necessary to use all possible tools to understand this problem, as well as to find ways to overcome it.
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