The Uyghur Question in Contemporary China

Mukherjee, Kunal

doi:10.1080/09700161003659129

Cited by 15 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…Most Uyghurs in China want to be able to openly live their shared Islamic culture and traditions, while a minority participates in separatist movements. The Uyghur diaspora strives to create awareness among Western publics to increase pressure on the Chinese government (Mukherjee, 2010).…”

Section: Conclusion and Implications Of Findingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Who is a PRC user? Comparing Chinese social media user agreements

Stockmann¹,

Garten²,

Luo³

2020

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Social media companies rely on user agreements as one means to manage content produced by users. While much has been written on user agreements and community standards of U.S.-based social media, surprisingly little is known about Chinese user agreements and their implications. We compare terms of services as well as privacy policies of WeChat and Weibo between 2014 and 2019 using their U.S. counterparts WhatsApp and Twitter as a benchmark. We find that Chinese user agreements reveal a territorial-based understanding of content management differentiating between PRC and non-PRC users based on language, IP address and country of citizenship. Second, Chinese social media companies are surprisingly transparent about what content can be published, which has implications for self-censorship among users. Third, changes in PRC user agreements reflect Xi Jinping’s tightening control of the Internet. Finally, U.S.-based platforms have moved towards content management that differs by region, thus becoming more similar to the Chinese approach over time.

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Section: Conclusion and Implications Of Findingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Who is a PRC user? Comparing Chinese social media user agreements

Stockmann¹,

Garten²,

Luo³

2020

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“…The Uyghur's like Kashmiri's see themselves as a distinct nation, whose values and way of life differs hugely from that of the racial majority in China, that is, the Han Chinese. The Uyghur's are deeply religious who feel very strongly about their Islamic identity, and do not want to be a part of China proper which is officially an atheistic state [60]. When one looks at the conflict in Xinjiang, or for that matter even in places like Tibet, one really needs to look at the clash between religious identity of the local people and the Chinese state's policy of high handedness in the region [61].…”

Section: The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region: Background To the Conmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Wealthy merchants from places like Kashgar and Yili in Xinjiang travelled to places like Istanbul and on their return launched a movement to modernise Uyghur education. These new schools played a crucial role in strengthening the forces of separatism since they instilled Turkic and eventually nationalist Uyghur ideas in Uyghur children throughout the 1920's [81]. Those who were influenced by the Uyghur enlightenment were the ones who took part in the rebellions of the 1930's.…”

Section: Nationalism In the Xinjiang Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

Comparing China and India’s Disputed Borderland Regions: Xinjiang, Tibet, Kashmir, and the Indian Northeast

Mukherjee

2015

East Asia

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INTRODUCTION:differences in the nature of the political systems of the two countries, (one being democratic and the other being a predominantly authoritarian state) the state policies directed towards these peripheral regions and the nature of these conflicts have been strikingly similar.Methodologically, the paper follows a bottom-up approach and emphasises on the voices of the ordinary people. The arguments put forward by the people are often not in keeping with the stories, and arguments put forward by the political elite. In depth interviews were carried out to further the arguments in the paper. The bottom-up approach was carried out by doing semistructured or non-directive interviews with people from these conflict zones. 'The least structured form of interviewing is the non-structured or non-directive interview. Here no pre-specified set of questions is employed, nor are the questions asked in a specified order' [1]. There is no schedule. 'With little or no direction from the interviewer, respondents are encouraged to relate their experiences, to describe whatever events seem significant to them, to provide their own definitions of their situations, and to reveal their opinions and attitudes as they see fit. The interviewer has a great deal of freedom to probe various areas and to raise specific queries during the course of the interview'[1]. This flexibility and the spontaneity with which the interviewees respond are most certainly some of the strengths of this method. Now let us first start with India, and then in the second half of the paper we will be looking at China.

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“…He claims that the main motivations of this policy are largely Islamophobia and the geo-strategical importance of the Uyghur lands. Mukherjee (2010) states that since the Uyghurs are seen as a threat to the stability of the state, China has taken extremely harsh measures against this group. Particularly at this point, he stated that the group's religious belief (i.e.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Belt Road Project as A Triggering Element of the Securitization of the Uyghur Issue

Tüysüzoğlu¹,

Kurt²

2022

jps

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The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) is considered based on its ethnocultural, religious, and historical diversity. In its national security documents, known as the White Paper, China associates the region with extremism, separatism, and terrorism; and thus recognizes the Uyghurs as a threat. At the crossroads of OBOR's (One Belt One Road) three separate land corridors, Xinjiang, which has a crucial place in Beijing's hegemony-building process, is a region regarded critical from a geopolitical and geo-economics perspective. In this context, Beijing securitizes the Uyghurs, with whom China claims that its own values, political goals, and perception of the future are not compatible, from the "threat" point of view. This approach can also be interpreted through the conceptual elements envisaged by the Copenhagen School, such as immigration waves, horizontal and vertical competition, and depopulation.

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The Uyghur Question in Contemporary China

Cited by 15 publications

References 8 publications

Who is a PRC user? Comparing Chinese social media user agreements

Who is a PRC user? Comparing Chinese social media user agreements

Comparing China and India’s Disputed Borderland Regions: Xinjiang, Tibet, Kashmir, and the Indian Northeast

The Belt Road Project as A Triggering Element of the Securitization of the Uyghur Issue

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