Theorising Political Economy in Southeast Asia

Hameiri, Shahar; Jones, Lee

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-28255-4_1

Cited by 18 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 79 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…The government's reluctance to respond to deprivation more directly can be explained by the systemic importance of the structures of passive proletarianisation. The principle of 'no income without work' has been central to maintaining the highly business-friendly labour regime with minimal wage guarantees and almost complete destruction of labour's capacity to dissent (Hameiri and Jones, 2020).…”

Section: Discussion: Cpf As Domination and Hegemonymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In this sense, developing is not an autonomous political 'choice' made by domestic technocrats, politicians and civil servants, but is contingent on a host of socio-economic structural factors and historical legacies which restrict or empower the building of statecapacity. Developing robust legitimacy was partly possible due to the privileged position that Singapore received from World Bank policies and its important role in maintaining the US' hegemonic position in Southeast Asia (Hameiri and Jones, 2020;Rodan, 1989). This facilitated, first, a strong economic growth based on industrialisation, and latterly a transition to regional and international financial hub.…”

Section: Discussion: Cpf As Domination and Hegemonymentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Reproduction, discipline, inequality: Critiquing East-Asian developmentalism through a strategic-relational examination of Singapore’s Central Provident Fund

Greener

Yeo

2022

Global Social Policy

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The five ‘developmentalist’ welfare states of East Asia (South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Japan) have been presented as successful projects of economic progress, positively aligning citizen-interests with business objective. Utilising Jessop’s Strategic-Relational Approach (SRA), we analyse the Central Provident Fund (CPF), Singapore’s ‘forced savings’ social policy which organises housing, healthcare, education and retirement. Through a myriad of eligibilities/ineligibilities, Singapore’s CPF administers desired social behaviours while sustaining a series of inequalities supporting certain classed and gendered interests over others. Our analysis breaks down the CPF into three social relational orientations: (1) heteronormative familial responsiblisation, (2) labour market activation and (3) class reproduction. The article highlights the function of CPF in institutionalising conservative and pro-market political interests. CPF reproduces material inequalities and fashions behaviours conducive with the dominant accumulation strategy while discouraging those which are not, privileging some interests over others.

show abstract

Section: Discussion: Cpf As Domination and Hegemonymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Discussion: Cpf As Domination and Hegemonymentioning

confidence: 99%

Reproduction, discipline, inequality: Critiquing East-Asian developmentalism through a strategic-relational examination of Singapore’s Central Provident Fund

Greener

Yeo

2022

Global Social Policy

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…State policies and institutions provide the sets of rules and regulations that "directly and indirectly influence the distribution of wealth, power and the structure of social relationships" (Hewison et al, 1993: 17). Hence, policy models and institutional reforms are of significant interest to different actors such as businesses seeking contracts to advance their profits; political and bureaucratic elites who decide on who is entitled to get what resources, when and how; as well as taxpayers, banks, and foreign donors that provide the funding for the related projects and initiatives envisioned in the policy (Hameiri & Jones, 2020).…”

Section: Conceptualizing the Digital Transformation Of Public Service...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This does not necessarily mean that social conflicts occur only in class terms and that gender, ethnic, religious, and other identities have no basis for the mobilization of political struggles over access to power and resources. It is rather to point out that the conditions under which social and other inequalities and contests (and accompanying social coalitions of interests) emerge and develop are shaped by the inherently crisis-ridden and transformative nature of capitalist development (Hameiri & Jones, 2020;Rodan, 2018). This means that the inherent crises and contradictions of capitalist development (that are grounded in the constant improvement of the means of production and continuous expansion of market relations into new locations) result in the intensification of intra-elite rivalries and the emergence of new social forces or coalitions of interests.…”

Section: Conceptualizing the Digital Transformation Of Public Service...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Digital Transformation of Public Services as State Transformation: An Overview of the Experience in Turkey During the Pandemic

Şahin

2023

Alternatives: Global, Local, Political

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper discusses the contextual aspects of the digital transformation of the Turkish public administration system during the COVID-19 pandemic. It argues that the accelerating process of the digitalization of public services during the pandemic should be understood in connection with the ongoing, broader transformation of the Turkish state into the neoliberal regulatory state that has been ideologically framed as a facilitator of market-led economic development. This argument is based on the “state transformation approach” developed as an alternative analytical tool to address governance outcomes as a manifestation of neoliberally informed shifts in the location of state power, in the groups of actors that exercise state power, and in the ideas used to rationalize the exercise of it.

show abstract

“…For recent overviews and reviews, see Ohnesorge (2016), Stubbs (2018), Datta and Majumdar (2018), Hameiri and Jones (2020), and Hundt and Uttam (2020). Noteworthy early exceptions, examining the fledgling regulatory state in China, are Pearson (2005), Bach et al (2006) andHsueh (2011).…”

Section: Data Availability Statementmentioning

confidence: 99%

From rule‐takerto rule‐promotingregulatory state: South Korea in the nearly‐globalcompetition regime

Cho

Büthe

2021

Regulation & Governance

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

When rapid economic growth catapults a country within a few years from the margins of the global economy to middle power status, does global regulatory governance need to brace for a challenge to the status quo? To answer this question, we extend the power transition theory of global economic governance to middle powers: A rising middle power should be expected to challenge the international regulatory status quo only if increasing issue-specific strength of its regulatory state coincides with preferences that diverge from the preferences of the established powers, which are enshrined in the status quo. We examine this argument empirically, focusing on South Korea in the realm of competition law and policy. We find that South Korea, a non-participant in the international competition regime until the 1980s, developed in the 1990s substantial regulatory capacity and capability and thus "spoiler potential." At the same time, however, its policy preferences converged upon the norms and practices established by the United States and the European Union, albeit with some distinct elements. Under these conditions, we expect a transition from rule-taker to rule-promoter. We find that South Korea has indeed in recent years begun to actively promote well-established competition law and policy norms and practicessupplemented by its distinct elementsthrough technical assistance programs, as well as various bilateral channels and multilateral institutions. The findings suggest that the power transition theory of global economic governance is usefully applicable to middle powers, too.

show abstract

Theorising Political Economy in Southeast Asia

Cited by 18 publications

References 79 publications

Reproduction, discipline, inequality: Critiquing East-Asian developmentalism through a strategic-relational examination of Singapore’s Central Provident Fund

Reproduction, discipline, inequality: Critiquing East-Asian developmentalism through a strategic-relational examination of Singapore’s Central Provident Fund

Digital Transformation of Public Services as State Transformation: An Overview of the Experience in Turkey During the Pandemic

From rule‐takerto rule‐promotingregulatory state: South Korea in the nearly‐globalcompetition regime

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About