Time—Space dimensions of work, family and leisure in France and Great Britain

Hantrais, Linda; Clark, Peter; Samuel, Nicole

doi:10.1080/02614368400390251

Cited by 14 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…Because leisure has been portrayed as a mechanism for balancing work and family demands, work-family conflict triggers individuals' relaxation and social intentions (Hantrais, Clark, and Samuel 1984). When hospitality employees encounter interference that creates an imbalance in their relationship with work and family, they are more likely to seek relaxation and social types of leisure (Eden 1990).…”

Section: Work-family Interference As It Relates To Leisure Intentionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

An Investigation into the Relationship between Hospitality Employees’ Work–Family Conflicts and Their Leisure Intentions

Zhao

Liu

2013

Cornell Hospitality Quarterly

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A study of 271 employees in four full-service hotels in China found that work–family conflict directly influences hospitality employees’ social and relaxation intentions. Moreover, these relationships are not mediated by job tension. In practical application, hospitality organizations can maximize return from these results by encouraging employees to take (or by providing) appropriate leisure activities that will help them to effectively cope with work and family role conflicts.

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Section: Work-family Interference As It Relates To Leisure Intentionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

An Investigation into the Relationship between Hospitality Employees’ Work–Family Conflicts and Their Leisure Intentions

Zhao

Liu

2013

Cornell Hospitality Quarterly

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“…Detailed analysis of the trends since 1945 (Samuel, 1984) indicates, however, that the general reduction in actual working hours has been accompanied by a reduction in the dispersion about the mean both within and between the different socio-economic groups. The disincentives designed to cut the amount of overtime (for more than 130 hours of annual overtime, workers now have the right to time in lieu of half the total number of hours of overtime) have been a further contributing factor in this reduction.…”

Section: Inequalities In Leisure Timementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Women's shorter working hours are therefore more than compensated for by the time spent on domestic labour, with the effect that, as this nation-wide survey by the INSEE illustrated, men with working wives were found, almost without exception, to have more time available for leisure than their spouses. Another factor which continues to affect working hours is age: the under twenties have the shortest working hours, a maximum is reached between the ages of thirty and thirty-nine, and the figure decreases thereafter (Samuel, 1984). Ethnic origin is related to difference in the length of work time, as foreign workers tend to be employed in the sectors with the longest working hours.…”

Section: Inequalities In Leisure Timementioning

confidence: 99%

“…When the length of time spent in travel to and from work and breaks during the day (the long lunch break is still more common outside the Paris region) are included, the length of the daily absence from home is found, according to INSEE figures (Samuel, 1984) to vary significantly from one socio-economic category to another: professional workers and employers in commerce and industry have the longest day, whereas teachers have the shortest. Lower grade white collar workers spend most time travelling to and from work, particularly in the Paris area, but workers with a higher level of educational attainment are also found to spend longer travelling to the workplace (Minisdre de la Culture, 1982), and men spend longer than women.…”

Section: Inequalities In Leisure Timementioning

confidence: 99%

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Leisure Policy in France and the Reduction of Social Inequalities

Hantrais¹

1986

Soc Policy Adm

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In contemporary French society, despite extensive government intervention over the past half centuv, differential access to free time and to leisure facilities, together with differences in attitudes towards participation in cultural activities, remain good indicators of the social inequalities associated with gender, age, educational training, socio-occupational status and regional origins. Thejndings from recent government-sponsored national surueys and from other smaller scale empirical research highlight some of the most salient cultural inequalities persisting in leisure behaviour in France today. The evidence suggests that gender deferences, while still acting as one of the main discriminators in leisure behaviour, are most meaningful when considered in relation to age, correlated in turn with the level of educational attainment, fami& circumstances and socio-occupational status. A survey of the leisure policies pursued ly successive French governments in the post-war period demonstrates how the state has intervened increasingly with the overt objective of reducing social inequalities and breaking down the traditional cultural and economic barriers affecting access to leisure.In the nineteenth century the French were slower than the British in enacting legislation designed to control working hours (Barou and Rigaudiat, I 983), and it seems likely that a t the turn of the century the French worker had relatively less time available than his British counterpart for leisure pursuits. Since I 936, however, successive French governments have paid more attention to leisure provision, in terms of both time and facilities, as important components in the quality of life, and leisure has been treated as much more than residual time, left over after work (Hantrais, 1984). Over the past fifty years a tighter control has been exercised over working hours, while at the same time more active and more comprehensive leisure policies have been pursued than in Great Britain.Since the mid-I 970s, when several international studies showed that France was amongst the most inegalitarian of Western industrialized nations, a recurring theme and an avowed objective of leisure planning, as ofother areas of social policy, has been the reduction of social inequalities. During the presidency of Valiry Giscard d'Estaing the brief given to the working parties drawing up a series of government-commissioned reports (including Blanc, 125

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“…They also suggest that the 'leisure/ family poles' may affect attitudes toward work time as much as work (and income) determine non-economic time and its uses (Dumazedier, 1974, pp. 39-40;Hantrais et al, 1984). Yet, like the economic historian, the leisure theorist tends to offer a generalized hypothesis of emerging social and cultural trends (Dumazedier offers, for example, individualism) to explain the expansion of leisure time, not an analysis of when and, more precisely, why the allocation of time changed.…”

mentioning

confidence: 97%

The political economy of leisure in retrospect: Britain, France and the origins of the eight-hour day

Cross

1986

Leisure Studies

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Time—Space dimensions of work, family and leisure in France and Great Britain

Cited by 14 publications

References 13 publications

An Investigation into the Relationship between Hospitality Employees’ Work–Family Conflicts and Their Leisure Intentions

An Investigation into the Relationship between Hospitality Employees’ Work–Family Conflicts and Their Leisure Intentions

Leisure Policy in France and the Reduction of Social Inequalities

The political economy of leisure in retrospect: Britain, France and the origins of the eight-hour day

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