Timing and turn taking in children's conversations<sup>1</sup>

Garvey, Catherine; Berninger, Ginger

doi:10.1080/01638538109544505

Cited by 97 publications

(79 citation statements)

References 20 publications

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“…This finding leads us to wonder how participant role (first-instead of third-person) and differences in early interactional experience (e.g., frequent vs. infrequent question-asking from caregivers) feed into this early predictive skill. It also bridges prior work showing a predisposition for turn taking in infancy (e.g., Bateson, 1975;Hilbrink et al, 2015;Jaffe et al, 2001;Snow, 1977) with children's apparently late acquisition of adult-like competence for turn taking in spontaneous conversation (Casillas et al, 2016;Ervin-Tripp, 1979;Garvey, 1984;Garvey & Berninger, 1981). It also reinforces the idea that it takes children several years to fully integrate linguistic information into their turn-taking systems (Casillas et al, 2016;Garvey & Berninger, 1981).…”

Section: Early Competence For Turn Taking?supporting

confidence: 65%

“…But by nine months, their timing slows down considerably, only to gradually speed up again after 12 months (Hilbrink et al, 2015). For children, taking turns with brief transitions between speakers is more difficult than avoiding speaker overlap; children's incidence of overlap is nearly adultlike by nine months, but the timing of their nonoverlapped (i.e., gapped) responses remains longer than the adult 200 ms standard for the next few years (Casillas, Bobb, & Clark, 2016;Garvey, 1984;Garvey & Berninger, 1981;Ervin-Tripp, 1979). This puzzling pattern is likely due to children's linguistic development: taking turns on time is easier when their response is a simple vocalization rather than a linguistic utterance.…”

Section: Turn Taking In Developmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The development of children’s ability to track and predict turn structure in conversation

Casillas

Frank²

2017

Journal of Memory and Language

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a b s t r a c tChildren begin developing turn-taking skills in infancy but take several years to fluidly integrate their growing knowledge of language into their turn-taking behavior. In two eye-tracking experiments, we measured children's anticipatory gaze to upcoming responders while controlling linguistic cues to turn structure. In Experiment 1, we showed English and non-English conversations to English-speaking adults and children. In Experiment 2, we phonetically controlled lexicosyntactic and prosodic cues in English-only speech. Children spontaneously made anticipatory gaze switches by age two and continued improving through age six. In both experiments, children and adults made more anticipatory switches after hearing questions. Consistent with prior findings on adult turn prediction, prosodic information alone did not increase children's anticipatory gaze shifts. But, unlike prior work with adults, lexical information alone was not sufficient either-children's performance was best overall with lexicosyntax and prosody together. Our findings support an account in which turn tracking and turn prediction emerge in infancy and then gradually become integrated with children's online linguistic processing.

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Section: Early Competence For Turn Taking?supporting

confidence: 65%

Section: Turn Taking In Developmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

The development of children’s ability to track and predict turn structure in conversation

Casillas

Frank²

2017

Journal of Memory and Language

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“…Given that participants themselves assign AS to the selected party and that A (the selector) often indicates in A2 that his prior utterance was itself complete and that B (the selected party) should have talked in the empty slot after A1, it would, we think, be more plausible to consider A1 and A2 as two turns rather than as one, a view which is in line with Garvy & Berninger's (1981). If we so characterize these utterances, then the emerging silence would not fall within A's turn.…”

mentioning

confidence: 74%

“…This apparent similarity did in fact tempt Coulthard (1985) into describing a notice missing response sequence where requests are responded to by silence in terms of this rule, and he describes a current speaker's pursuits of a response such as 'tags' as what Garvy & Berninger (1981) refer to as 'post completors'. This does not sound plausible for two reasons.…”

Section: An Extension Of Sacks Et Al's Model (1974)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Garvy & Berninger (1981) identify sequences where AS obtains in children's conversations, and refer to them as 'notice missing response sequences', the length of which is determined by the number of attempts the current speaker makes before turn transfer occurs. Following them, we may offer the following characterization.…”

Section: An Extension Of Sacks Et Al's Model (1974)mentioning

confidence: 99%

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A Conversation Analysis Approach to Attributable Silence in Moroccan Conversation

Elouakili¹

2017

IRE

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This paper is an adaptation of one section in the theoretical part of a MA thesis on 'The conversational role of silence in Moroccan Arabic' obtained in 1990, and aims to account for attributable silence (Schegloff & Sacks, 1973) within the conversation analysis approach based on the turn-taking model advanced by Sacks, Schegloff, and Gefferson (1974). Attributable silence occurs when a speaker is selected to speak upon the completion of an utterance that solicits a particular response but chooses, for one reason or another, to remain silent. Systematic and comprehensive as the model has often been claimed to be, it does not deal with this category of silence, which is highly significant to conversation partners in daily interaction. Hence, we attempt to provide an account for it using some of the turn-taking mechanisms developed within the model itself. This silence is characterized as a violation of the turn-taking rule involving the current speaker selects next technique, and the repair of the violation is provided through the suggestion of a rule stipulating that if a selected speaker fails to start a next turn, then the current speaker has the right to pursue a response until he obtains one; otherwise, the conversation may discontinue. Features that reveal the significance of this silence are also discussed-namely noticeability, attributability, accountability, and reportability. The examples used to discuss and illustrate these points are taken from the observational and experimental data collected for the thesis.

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Pragmatic development in individuals with mental retardation: Learning to use language in social interactions

Abbeduto

Hesketh

1997

Ment. Retard. Dev. Disabil. Res. Rev.

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Pragmatics is the intentional use of language to achieve interpersonal goals. Pragmatic problems figure prominently in the definition and diagnosis of mental retardation. In this article, we describe the pragmatic development of persons with mental retardation, the ways in which their linguistic, cognitive, and social‐emotional limitations influence their pragmatic competence, and the prelinguistic foundations of that competence. Delays in intentional communication during the prelinguistic period are severe and often exceed those in cognitive development. After the transition to language, developmental delays are seen in all components of pragmatics, but the delays are more severe and the final level of achievement lower for some components than for others. Conversational turn‐taking is an area of relative strength, although it remains to be determined whether contextual variations in the rules governing turn‐taking have been mastered. Individuals with mental retardation have special difficulty in learning to formulate their utterances in ways that make their intended referents clear. Development here often lags behind nonverbal cognitive development. Delays also occur in expressing and understanding speech acts, such as requests and questions. Especially problematic is the task of learning to use linguistic politeness formulae when expressing speech acts. Individuals with mental retardation are also delayed in learning to signal when they have not understood an utterance and in learning how to respond to such signals from others, although the extent of their problems here varies with the nature of the task. They achieve a considerable level of topic‐related skill in that they typically produce utterances that are on topic, but the quality of these contributions to the topic is not clear. Pragmatic delays do not appear to be attributable to the language‐learning environments provided for individuals with mental retardation by their parents. It is more likely that these delays result from the cognitive, linguistic, and social‐emotional limitations that define mental retardation, although there remains much to be learned about the relation between specific pragmatic problems and specific limitations in these other domains. MRDD Research Reviews 1997;3:323–333. © 1997 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.

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Timing and turn taking in children's conversations¹

Cited by 97 publications

References 20 publications

The development of children’s ability to track and predict turn structure in conversation

The development of children’s ability to track and predict turn structure in conversation

A Conversation Analysis Approach to Attributable Silence in Moroccan Conversation

Pragmatic development in individuals with mental retardation: Learning to use language in social interactions

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Timing and turn taking in children's conversations1

Cited by 97 publications

References 20 publications

The development of children’s ability to track and predict turn structure in conversation

The development of children’s ability to track and predict turn structure in conversation

A Conversation Analysis Approach to Attributable Silence in Moroccan Conversation

Pragmatic development in individuals with mental retardation: Learning to use language in social interactions

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Product

Resources

About

Timing and turn taking in children's conversations¹