Tone and stress in Lamba

Bickmore, Lee

doi:10.1017/s0952675700002542

Cited by 26 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…To save Hyde's analysis, one could propose that Lows only dock onto genuine foot heads while excluding ambipodal syllables. However, this seems to contradict the crosslinguistic generalizations that report that foot heads tend to be associated with H tones, not L tones (Bickmore, 1995;de Lacy, 2002de Lacy, , 2006Goldsmith, 1987).…”

Section: Hyde (2001 2002 Et Seq)contrasting

confidence: 50%

“…Therefore, the up-stepping can be interpreted as an Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) effect (Hewitt, 1991, p. 55). The attraction of H to stressed syllables (i.e., foot heads) is common in mixed prosodic systems with tone and stress, and various rules and constraints have been proposed to account for this universal tendency (e.g., Bickmore, 1995;de Lacy, 2002de Lacy, , 2004de Lacy, , 2006Goldsmith, 1987). Likewise, the up-stepping of an H when preceded by another H is well known from the literature of tone and intonation (Goldsmith, 1976;Gussenhoven, 2004;Pierrehumbert, 1980;Yip, 2002, etc.…”

Section: Pitchmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq

Martínez-Paricio

Kager

2017

loquens

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This article presents a reanalysis of the foot-based phonology of Chugach Alutiiq (henceforth CA), a language that displays a complex mixed ternary-binary rhythm, as well as metrically conditioned distributions of pitch, fortition and vowel lengthening. Elaborating on earlier analyses of CA that had posited some kind of ternary constituent (Hewitt, 1991(Hewitt, , 1992Leer, 1985aLeer, , 1985bLeer, , 1985cRice, 1992), we propose CA should be analyzed by means of the Internally Layered Ternary (ILT) foot, a minimal recursive foot (Prince, 1980;Selkirk, 1980), which was recently revived in a typological study of binary-ternary stress (Martínez-Paricio & Kager, 2015). It will be argued that ILT feet capture CA's puzzling dual behavior of unstressed and stressed syllables straightforwardly by referring to the status of syllables as heads or dependents of minimal or non-minimal feet. After showing the value of ILT feet in the analysis of CA rhythmic and segmental patterns, we turn to our analytical focus, the distributions of high and low pitch. This distribution is arguably metrically conditioned, yet an analysis based on stress or standard binary feet cannot capture it, whereas the ILT approach can. To highlight the advantages of our approach, we end by offering brief comparisons with previous analyses of CA.Keywords: metrical phonology; phonological representations; ternary stress; metrically conditioned pitch. RESUMEN:Tonos condicionados por la estructura métrica y pies mínimamente recursivos en Chugach Alutiiq. -Este artículo presenta un reanálisis de diversos aspectos fonológicos de la lengua esquimal Chugach Alutiiq (de ahora en adelante, CA): la asignación de acentos rítmicos (binarios y ternarios), la distribución de los tonos alto y bajo, el fortalecimiento de algunas consonantes y el alargamiento de determinadas vocales. Influidos por análisis previos de la lengua que postularon la existencia de algún tipo de constituyente prosódico ternario en CA (Hewitt, 1991(Hewitt, , 1992Leer 1985aLeer , 1985bLeer , 1985cRice, 1992), proponemos que la fonología métrica de CA debe analizarse por medio de un pie Ternario Mínimamente Recursivo (TMR); estas estructuras fueron originariamente propuestas por Prince (1980) y Selkirk (1980), y han sido recientemente retomadas en un estudio tipológico sobre el ritmo binario y ternario (Martínez-Paricio & Kager, 2015). A lo largo del artículo se demostrará que todos estos procesos pueden recibir un análisis fonológico sencillo si se incorporan, entre las posibles representaciones métricas del lenguaje, los pies TMR. Concretamente, se demostrará que el pie TMR permite dar cuenta del comportamiento dual de las sílabas tónicas y átonas en CA mediante la referencia al estatus específico de estas sílabas bien como núcleos o dependientes de un pie mínimo o no mínimo. Tras resaltar el papel que desempeñan los pies recursivos en diversos patrones rítmicos y segmentales de CA, nos centramos en el análisis de la distribución de los tonos alto y bajo en esta lengua. El artículo se ...

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Section: Hyde (2001 2002 Et Seq)contrasting

confidence: 50%

Section: Pitchmentioning

confidence: 99%

Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq

Martínez-Paricio

Kager

2017

loquens

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“…It is also interesting to note that certain tone languages, e.g. Lamba (Bickmore 1995), have low tone on all long vowels. The lowering of fundamental frequency and plausibly the lowering of intensity (which is often correlated with f0) by the one Chickasaw speaker may thus not be without precedent in languages of the world.…”

Section: Acoustic Correlates Of Stressmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Phonological and Phonetic Study of Word‐Level Stress in Chickasaw

Gordon

2004

International Journal of American Linguistics

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This paper presents results of a phonological and phonetic study of stress in Chickasaw, a Muskogean language spoken in south central Oklahoma. Three degrees of stress are differentiated acoustically, with primary stressed vowels having the highest f0 and greatest duration and intensity, unstressed vowels having the lowest f0 and shortest duration and intensity, and secondary stressed vowels displaying intermediate f0, duration, and intensity values. Vowel quality differences and segmental lenition processes also are diagnostic for stress. The location of stress is phonologically predictable, falling on word-final syllables, heavy (CVC and CVV) syllables and on the second in a sequence of light (CV) syllables. Short vowels in non-final open syllables are made heavy through a process of rhythmic vowel lengthening. Primary stress is sensitive to a further weight distinction, treating CVV as heavier than both CV and CVC. In words lacking a CVV syllable, stress falls on the final syllable.

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“…Examples of attraction are cases of tone-driven stress, where feet are ideally placed so that they overlap with a (high) tone (De Lacy 2002: 2ff). An example of repulsion is found in Lamba, where tone shifts away from its sponsor if the sponsor is in a rhythmically weak position (Bickmore 1995;De Lacy 2002: 18f). In general, repulsion is necessary to derive tone shift; attraction by itself does not drive the delinking of tone from its underlying position.…”

Section: Constraintsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The idea of relating metrical structure to tone is already present in the autosegmental literature (see Sietsema 1989;Bickmore 1995 for overviews). However, it was applied mainly to unbounded tone phenomena; tone was analysed as being attracted to metrically prominent positions near word or phrase edges.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Deriving bounded tone with layered feet in Harmonic Serialism: The case of Saghala

Breteler

2017

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper proposes an approach to bounded tone shift and spread as found in Bantu languages. Its core intuition is that the bounding domain is delimited by foot structure. The approach uses layered foot representations to capture ternary phenomena, following Martinez-Paricio & Kager (2015). A set of licensing and structural constraints regulate tone-foot interactions. Harmonic Serialism is adopted as the grammatical framework, to allow for an account of opaque patterns (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004McCarthy 2010a).The present approach improves on previous accounts in two ways. Firstly, the size of the tonal bounding domain follows from independently motivated foot representations, rather than being stipulated in the constraint set. Secondly, the approach obviates the need for markedness constraints that refer to underlying structure, because all relevant lexical information is reflected in foot structures.The approach is demonstrated on Saghala (Patin 2009). Saghala shows both shift and spread in a trisyllabic domain. There are six tone patterns, dependent on the contact or near-contact of tones, and the position of word boundaries. An analysis is presented that accounts for all patterns. The success of the analysis shows that the foot-based approach is equipped to deal with a variety of bounded tone phenomena.

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Tone and stress in Lamba

Abstract: It has long been observed that not all languages fit neatly into a ‘stress’ vs. ‘tone’ dichotomy. Recent research has concentrated on how to account formally for ‘hybrid’ prominence systems which have been argued to exhibit both metrical and tonal properties.

Cited by 26 publications

References 9 publications

Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq

Metrically conditioned pitch and layered feet in Chugach Alutiiq

A Phonological and Phonetic Study of Word‐Level Stress in Chickasaw

Deriving bounded tone with layered feet in Harmonic Serialism: The case of Saghala

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