The goal of this paper is threefold: firstly to provide a detailed description and analysis of tonal spreading rules at the phrasal level in Copperbelt Bemba (CB); secondly to demonstrate a novel rule interaction in phrasal phonology that involves mutually-feeding iterative rules and how this can be formalized within Optimality Theory; and finally to consider the phonology-syntax mapping in CB and evaluate how well current prosodic correspondence theories -here ALIGN/WRAPXP and Match Theory -account for the prosodic constituent structure in CB.Building on earlier work conducted on CB tonology (Bickmore & Kula 2013) two High tone spreading patterns will be central to the discussion of phrasal phonology in CB, namely Bounded Spreading and Unbounded Spreading. The characterisation of phonological phrases is crucial in accounting for these spreading patterns. The paper will examine High tone spreading within a series of single-word phonological phrases occurring in particular syntactic contexts where it is observed that a single High tone in the initial phonological phrase can surface on each lexically toneless syllable of subsequent phonological phrases. We present the basic tone patterns in section 2 and show in section 3 that a rule-based approached is forced to analyse the longdistance spreading patterns as involving mutually-feeding iterative rule interaction. In section 4 we present an alternative OT account of the facts which relies on a CRISP EDGE constraint that makes reference to juncture effects. Section 5 provides a discussion of whether constraints requiring the juncture of two smaller domains to be contained within a larger one are necessary and what the implications of an alternative formulation might be, at least for the present set of data. Finally section 6 provides some concluding remarks. Unbounded and Bounded High SpreadingFollowing Bickmore and Kula (2013) we can identify two main High tone spreading processes within words in CB, namely, Unbounded and Bounded spreading. Unbounded rightward H spreading targets the rightmost High tone in a phrase-final word (where "phrase" will be made more precise below in section 3) spreading it to the end of the word. We will show that Unbounded Spreading applies only within a word and not across words. Example (1) below illustrates Unbounded Spreading in CB with the source/lexical H tone on the subject marker (1a-b), the pre-prefix (1c), the TAM marker (1d) or on the first syllable of the verb stem (1e). In all cases the H spreads to the word-final TBU. (Underlying forms are shown in the rightmost column).

would like to acknowledge my gratitude to my Namwanga-speaking consultant, Betty Chela, who recently passed away. Without her participation and patience the present work would not have been possible. Special thanks also goes to Alfred and Mereby Sikazwe for providing my lodging in Zambia while this field work was carried out. Finally, I would also like to thank three anonymous reviewers from Phonology, whose comments greatly aided me in improving this paper. Any errors, omissions or inconsistencies are entirely my own. 1 According to Guthrie's (1967-71) classification it is in the M.20 subgroup, along with Wanda, Nyika, Malela, Safwa, Iwa and Tambo. All the data in this paper was elicited in Kitwe, Zambia from Betty Nanyangwe Chela, a native speaker of the language. The only other linguistic reference on Namwanga that I am aware of is Busse's (1941) paper on segmental phonetics. 297 298 Lee S. Bickmore constraint. Second, the constraint must be sensitive to the minimal morphosyntactic domain in which it applies. Specifically, the penalty for fusing two (adjacent) H's which both occur within the stem, U N I-FORMiTY(stem) (UNiF(st)) is not as severe as the penalty for fusing two (adjacent) H's where the minimal domain which contains them is the word, UNiFORMiTY(word) (UNiF(wd)). Finally, I examine how penalties must be calculated in cases where more than two adjacent H's fuse. In cases where some of the individual pairs of H's are within the stem and some are not, I show that the assignment of penalties must be divided between UNiF(st) and UNiF(wd), according to the domain in which each input set of adjacent H's is found. This is shown to be superior to an approach in which the fusion of multiple H's is penalised by a single UNIFORMITY constraint. 2 The penultimate (PU) pattern Namwanga is similar to many Bantu languages in that verb roots are of two tonal types (cf. Guthrie 1967-71, Clements & Goldsmith 1984). Infinitival forms illustrating these two types are shown in (1) and (2). These have the structure: Preprefix /u-/-Class Prefix /ku/-Object Marker (optional)-Root-Extension(s) (optional)-Final Vowel /-a/. 2 (1) a. u-kii-peel-a 'to shave' b. u-ku-pel-eel-a 'to shave for' c. u-ku-sakuiil-a 'to comb' d. u-ku-sakul-ffl-a 'to comb for' e. u-ku-mii-sakuul-a 'to comb him/her' f. u-kii-'wa-sakuul-a 'to comb them' g. u-ku-! wa-sakiil-a zuuwa 'to comb them quickly' h. u-kii-sakul-a Cheela 'to comb Chela' (2) a. u-ku-! leet-a 'to bring' b. u-ku-'let-eel-a 'to bring for' c. u-ku-Avaduiil-a 'to blacksmith' d. u-ku-! wandul-nl-a 'to blacksmith for' e. u-ku-mu-wandul-i'il-a 'to blacksmith for him/her' f. u-ku-! wa-wandul-ul-a 'to blacksmith for them' g. u-ku-! wandul-fl-a Cheela 'to blacksmith for Chela' Downstep and fusion in Namwanga 299 word can be seen clearly in (lg-h) and (2g).) The processes of compensatory lengthening of a vowel due to gliding or nasal-consonant clusters is not operative in Namwanga (e.g. the short peninitial vowel in u-kw-imb-iil-a 'to dig for'). The analysis I develop below assumes that tone-beari...

It has long been observed that not all languages fit neatly into a ‘stress’ vs. ‘tone’ dichotomy. Recent research has concentrated on how to account formally for ‘hybrid’ prominence systems which have been argued to exhibit both metrical and tonal properties.