Towards a typology of prominence perception: The role of duration

Leemann, Adrian; Kolly, Marie-José; Li, Yang; Chan, Ricky; Kwek, Geraldine Regina Su Ching; Jespersen, Anna

doi:10.21437/speechprosody.2016-91

Cited by 6 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…This is accompanied by an increase in the pitch range in the focally accented syllable and compression of pitch immediately following the focused syllable and deaccentuation, particularly of the post-focal material (no change is usually observed in the pitch range of pre-focus material) (Xu and Xu, 2005). Focally accented syllables have also been found to have longer duration and higher intensity (Turk and Sawusch, 1996;Leemann et al, 2016). Languages differ in the use of these acoustic cues to signal prominence and deaccentuation (Cruttenden, 2011;Leemann et al, 2016).…”

Section: Focus and Deaccentuation-definition And The Linguistic Funct...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Global waveshape parameter Rd in signaling focal prominence: Perceptual salience in the absence of f0 variation

Yanushevskaya

Murphy²,

Gobl³

et al. 2022

Front. Commun.

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This paper explores perceptual salience of voice source parameter manipulation in signaling prominence in the absence of f0 variation. Synthetic stimuli were generated based on an inverse filtered all-voiced utterance “We were away a year ago.” A global waveshape parameter Rd was manipulated in the stimuli to enhance prominence in the two potentially accentable syllables WAY and YEAR and to provide voice source deaccentuation post-focally. The manipulations were intended to mimic an increase in phonatory tension in the prominent syllable while decreasing it in the post-focal material. f0 was kept constant. Two listening tests were conducted in which participants rated the perceived prominence of the potentially accentable syllables in the manipulated utterances on a continuous visual analog scale. The results suggest that perceived focal prominence can be achieved by source variation in the absence of f0 modulations, although the results were not identical in the two tests. The extent of the enhancement of prominence by source manipulations in our data depended on the location of focal syllable in the intonational phrase and on the length of postfocal material (the effect was stronger for WAY than for YEAR).

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Section: Focus and Deaccentuation-definition And The Linguistic Funct...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Focally accented syllables have also been found to have longer duration and higher intensity (Turk and Sawusch, 1996;Leemann et al, 2016). Languages differ in the use of these acoustic cues to signal prominence and deaccentuation (Cruttenden, 2011;Leemann et al, 2016).…”

Section: Focus and Deaccentuation-definition And The Linguistic Funct...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Global waveshape parameter Rd in signaling focal prominence: Perceptual salience in the absence of f0 variation

Yanushevskaya

Murphy²,

Gobl³

et al. 2022

Front. Commun.

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“…Fuzhou tone sandhi, adapted from [1]. Typologically, Fuzhou tone sandhi falls into the class of right-dominant sandhi systems [2]. In a multi-syllable tonal domain, the final syllable retains its citation tone, while all pre-final (target) syllables undergo sandhi.…”

Section: Fuzhou Tone Sandhimentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Two neutralisation groups will be the focus in this paper. They are listed in (1) and (2) and are in bold in Table 1. (1) 44, 53 → 44 / ___ 53 (2) 242, 44 → 53 / ___32…”

Section: Fuzhou Tone Sandhimentioning

confidence: 99%

Complete and incomplete neutralisation in Fuzhou tone sandhi

Li¹

2016

5th International Symposium on Tonal Aspects of Languages (TAL 2016)

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This is a study of incomplete neutralisation using Fuzhou tone sandhi as a test case. In Fuzhou Min, Tone 44 and Tone 232 undergo putative neutralisation into Tone 53 preceding a set of low tones, while T44 and T53 are neutralised into T44 preceding T53. Data from 10 Fuzhou speakers show the former neutralisation to be acoustically incomplete, with the sandhi tone of underlying Tone 44 having a higher pitch onset, while the latter appears to be acoustically complete. This result expands the typology of incomplete neutralisation by showing that two distinct phonological objects can incompletely neutralise (A / B → C) into a third object, as previous studies predominantly feature neutralisation of one object into another: A / B → B, e.g. Beijing tone sandhi T2/T3 → T2 / __ T3. It is argued that a hybrid model with both abstract categories and stored exemplars can best account for the data (Pierrehumbert, 2002(Pierrehumbert, & 2006. Index Terms: tone sandhi, incomplete neutralization, Fuzhou Min, hybrid model http://dx.

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“…Wu and Xu, 2010 ; Wu and Chung, 2011 ). Perceptually, an increase in duration has been found to be the primary cue to focus, while the roles pitch movements play are specific to the lexical tones carried by the components on focus ( Leemann et al, 2016 ; Fung and Mok, 2018 ).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Visual-auditory perception of prosodic focus in Japanese by native and non-native speakers

Zhang,

Chen,

Chen

et al. 2023

Front. Hum. Neurosci.

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IntroductionSpeech communication is multi-sensory in nature. Seeing a speaker’s head and face movements may significantly influence the listeners’ speech processing, especially when the auditory information is not clear enough. However, research on the visual-auditory integration speech processing has left prosodic perception less well investigated than segmental perception. Furthermore, while native Japanese speakers tend to use less visual cues in segmental perception than in other western languages, to what extent the visual cues are used in Japanese focus perception by the native and non-native listeners remains unknown. To fill in these gaps, we test focus perception in Japanese among native Japanese speakers and Cantonese speakers who learn Japanese, using auditory-only and auditory-visual sentences as stimuli.MethodologyThirty native Tokyo Japanese speakers and thirty Cantonese-speaking Japanese learners who had passed the Japanese-Language Proficiency Test with level N2 or N3 were asked to judge the naturalness of 28 question-answer pairs made up of broad focus eliciting questions and three-word answers carrying broad focus, or contrastive or non-contrastive narrow focus on the middle object words. Question-answer pairs were presented in two sensory modalities, auditory-only and visual-auditory modalities in two separate experimental sessions.ResultsBoth the Japanese and Cantonese groups showed weak integration of visual cues in the judgement of naturalness. Visual-auditory modality only significantly influenced Japanese participants’ perception when the questions and answers were mismatched, but when the answers carried non-contrastive narrow focus, the visual cues impeded rather than facilitated their judgement. Also, the influences of specific visual cues like the displacement of eyebrows or head movements of both Japanese and Cantonese participants’ responses were only significant when the questions and answers were mismatched. While Japanese participants consistently relied on the left eyebrow for focus perception, the Cantonese participants referred to head movements more often.DiscussionThe lack of visual-auditory integration in Japanese speaking population found in segmental perception also exist in prosodic perception of focus. Not much foreign language effects has been found among the Cantonese-speaking learners either, suggesting a limited use of facial expressions in focus marking by native and non-native Japanese speakers. Overall, the present findings indicate that the integration of visual cues in perception of focus may be specific to languages rather than universal, adding to our understanding of multisensory speech perception.

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Towards a typology of prominence perception: The role of duration

Cited by 6 publications

References 25 publications

Global waveshape parameter Rd in signaling focal prominence: Perceptual salience in the absence of f0 variation

Global waveshape parameter Rd in signaling focal prominence: Perceptual salience in the absence of f0 variation

Complete and incomplete neutralisation in Fuzhou tone sandhi

Visual-auditory perception of prosodic focus in Japanese by native and non-native speakers

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