Trabajo sucio y estigma: cuidadores de la muerte en los cementerios

Abstract

This article uses the category dirty work in the analysis of the identity of morticians and funeral directors, as well as it identifies techniques and practices to deal with professional stigma. The article analyzes the role of the types of stains in the nature of these workers’ relationships with their dirty job, and the influence of context elements. This research, which integrates quantitative and qualitative methods, uses scales pertaining to this job and semi-structured interviews. It is concluded that the presence of moral stains in funeral directors brings the group together more solidly, and that elements such as class and race inhabit in the social construction of these discredited jobs and operate in the production of stained identities.

Funeral and Mortuary Operators: The Role of Stigma, Incivility, Work Meaningfulness and Work–Family Relation to Explain Occupational Burnout

“…The funeral and mortuary sector, including funeral homes, cemeteries and crematoria, is a largely neglected sector in regard to the study of occupational factors that can affect the quality of working life and mental health [ 1 ]. Unlike other occupational categories, such as health care and social workers, firefighters and police officers, who are exposed to death and suffering, funeral and mortuary workers are very often confronted with the social invisibility that permeates these professions [ 2 ], reflecting the widespread social taboos that surround death and the manipulation of dead bodies [ 3 , 4 ]. Despite this, workers in the funeral and mortuary sector constitute an essential professional category that must deal every day with work-related risks and job demands that may affect health and wellbeing.…”

“…Due to these physically tainting characteristics, these occupations have also been referred to as “dirty work” since they evoke some sense of rejection and repugnance [ 31 ], often associated with the widespread use of unconscious defenses [ 32 ]. Therefore, funeral and mortuary staff are often the object of stigmatization [ 2 , 3 , 33 , 34 , 35 ], a process that defines how people are socially discredited and disqualified [ 36 ] and that may threaten the way people define their own identity and attitudes of others towards employees in this sector. Pinel defined stigma consciousness as the extent to which people report attending to their stereotyped status [ 37 ], whereas occupational stigma consciousness is the extent to which employees are aware of the stigmatized nature of their job and believe that others treat them negatively because of it [ 38 ].…”

The Hospice as a Learning Environment: A Follow-Up Study with a Palliative Care Team

“…The resulting uncertainty leads to the widespread use of unconscious defences. One of the clearest examples of this type of denial can be seen in the stigmatisation of those who work in funeral homes or morgues [ 9 , 10 , 11 ], as well as those who work in hospices [ 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 ]. The avoidance of conversations or individuals associated with death may constitute a proximal defence.…”

The hospice as a learning environment: A follow-up study of a death education intervention that involved high-school students and the community

“…However, these systems are fragile and may be undermined by mortality salience elicited by the reality of everyday life and by mass media constantly sensationalizing and describing death in an unrealistic way [5 -8]. One of the most evident examples of this type of denial can be seen in stigmatization of those who work in funeral homes or morgues [9,10] as well as those who work in hospices. Such stigmatization is due to people's inability to identify with these professionals, who are isolated from community life as a result and sufferer increased levels of stress [11 -13].…”