success can bring even more advantage and prestige (p. 187). The returnee is supposed to be a hero indeed.Deportations and the supposed ''failure'' of the migratory adventureRestrictive migration policies and multifold borders are what interrupt, stop, redirect, or reverse these migratory journeys (Drotbohm & Hasselberg, 2015) converting them into "new confinements and modes of exploitation" (Glick-Schiller & Salazar, 2013, p. 190). Deportation is generally understood as a legal, political, and socio-economic measure involving the forceful removal of a migrant from a national territory to another country (cf. Drotbohm & Hasselberg, 2015). There is a tendency to consider it as forced removal by air, but research is increasingly considering cross-border removal by land as well (Sylla & Cold-Ravnkilde, 2021; Alpes, 2020;Kleist, 2017a;Mensah, 2016).Deportations and involuntary returns produce the opposite of the heroic homecomings expected. They violently cut the journey to potential economic success and socio-cultural recognition. Particularly in the West African context, deportations are to be seen in relation to the adventurers' deep social embedding and relationality, before, during, and after the journeys (cf. Pian, 2010, p. 97). Here, the extended family plays a significant role in any aspect of life: West Africans experience themselves not as "having" relationships but as "being" relationships (Piot, 1999), an idea that I will develop, particularly in Chapter 5, and consciously construct their families across (inter)national and continental boundaries (cf., e.g., Drotbohm, 2015Drotbohm, , 2009. Deportations thus produce potential "failures" in light of the collective expectation of success and a triumphant homecoming. Against this background, the informants portray themselves as distressed and empty-handed, like Salif: at best with a plastic bag shuffling from the airport to some relative in Bamako. This powerful image emblematically embodies the drama of the unwanted return. As Éliane de Latour puts it: "Failure on the journey is worse than immobility on the spot: from being poor at the start, the warrior becomes poverty-stricken" (Latour, 2003, p. 187; transl. S.U.S.), 13 though in fact such a symbolic and charged depiction does not adequately mirror the realities on the ground."Failure," like the term "adventure," emerged in my research as an emic term first of all. Former deportees and their close contacts speak of "l'échec" or "maloya," the Bambara word for shame. More often, deportees and their circle will say "mon objectif n'était pas atteint" ("My objective was not attained"), or "je n'ai pas réussi" ("I did not succeed"), or, more explicitly, "j'ai échoué" ("I failed"), "c'était un échec" ("It was a failure"). However, the line taken by most of the men is that tounga man ja ("the travel did not work out") and "there are other ways of getting on" (Chapters 5 and 6).
13S.U.S. stands for the initials of the book's author Susanne Ursula Schultz. 17 This differs from the terminology of "state-induced" re...