U.S. Senator Edward W. Brooke and Governor L. Douglas Wilder Tell Political Scientists How Blacks Can Win High-Profile Statewide Office

Jeffries, Judson L.

doi:10.1017/s1049096500050046

Cited by 10 publications

(19 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…This phenomenon does not seem to be confined to mayoral candidates. Gubernatorial candidate Douglas Wilder proclaimed, "I have never been a civil rights activist of any kind" (quoted inJeffries 1999). Harvey Gantt tried hard to run a nonthreatening, deracialized contest in his senatorial bid against Jesse Helms(Wilson 1993).…”

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confidence: 99%

Changing White Attitudes toward Black Political Leadership

Hajnal

2006

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Changing White Attitudes toward Black Political Leadership Despite the hopes of the civil rights movement, researchers have found that the election of African Americans to office has not greatly improved the well-being of the black community. By shifting the focus to the white community, this book finds that black representation can have a profound impact. Utilizing national public opinion surveys, data on voting patterns in large American cities, and more in-depth studies of Los Angeles and Chicago, Zoltan Hajnal shows that under most black mayors there is real, positive change in the white vote and in the racial attitudes of white residents. This change occurs because black incumbency provides concrete information that disproves the fears and expectations of many white residents. These findings not only highlight the importance of black representation; they also demonstrate the critical role that information can play in racial politics and point to the ability of at least some whites to change their minds about blacks and black leadership.

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confidence: 99%

Changing White Attitudes toward Black Political Leadership

Hajnal

2006

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“…2.For studies which employ this binary, see Pettigrew and Alston (1988), Washington (1988), Sonenshein (1990), Sigelman et al (1995), Prysby (1996), Canon et al (1996), Shousen and Sellers (1996), Jeffries (1999), Smith (2009), Gillespie (2010, 2012), and Nordin (2012). …”

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confidence: 99%

Hamilton’s Deracialization

Johnson

2017

Du Bois Rev.

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Many commentators have described Barack Obama as a ‘deracialized’ politician. In contrast to ‘racialized’ Black candidates, deracialized politicians are said to deemphasize their Black racial identity, downplay the racial legacies of American inequality, and favor race-neutral over racially targeted policies. Puzzlingly, this narrative of Obama’s racial politics sits incongruously with his political curriculum vitae, spent largely in contexts which are difficult to describe as deracialized. This article holds that commentators have misjudged Barack Obama’s racial politics by conflating a contingent electoral strategy with a deeper expression of Obama’s racial philosophical commitments. In explaining these commitments, the article finds the deracialized/racialized framing inadequate. Instead, it favors the typology of racial policy alliances situating Obama within the “race-conscious” policy alliance rather than the “color-blind” alliance. By returning to the site of Obama’s political development, Hyde Park in Chicago, the paper uncovers a tradition of racial politics in which Blacks formed coalitions with progressive Whites but also embraced Black racial identity, acknowledged the enduring legacies of slavery and Jim Crow, and supported targeted policies to overturn these racial legacies. The article argues that Obama was an inheritor of this tradition.

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“…Despite being race-neutral they find a quiet but effective way to mobilize the black communities in their state to turnout in high numbers. This high turnout is necessary to counter balance the loss of white voters at the polls (Frederick and Jeffries 2009;Jeffries 1999).…”

Section: The Three Rs: Racism Resentment and Regionalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Racism, Resentment, and Regionalism: The South and the Nation in the 2008 Presidential Election

Airstrup¹

2011

ARP

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This paper assesses the influences racial resentment and racial stereotypes on Southern and non-Southern white, Asian, and Hispanic voters in the 2008 presidential election. I use logistic regression to test the hypotheses that racial resentment and racial stereotypes influenced support for McCain and that the influence of these two variables is greater in the South than in the non-South. The findings suggest that racial resentment’s influence extends across both regions but that the affects of racial stereotypes is confined to the South. The analysis is replicated for U.S. House elections in 2008, finding that the impact of racial resentment and racial stereotypes is insignificant in both regions. In 2008, the influences of racism, resentment and regionalism on voting are confined to the presidential level.

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U.S. Senator Edward W. Brooke and Governor L. Douglas Wilder Tell Political Scientists How Blacks Can Win High-Profile Statewide Office

Cited by 10 publications

References 3 publications

Changing White Attitudes toward Black Political Leadership

Changing White Attitudes toward Black Political Leadership

Hamilton’s Deracialization

Racism, Resentment, and Regionalism: The South and the Nation in the 2008 Presidential Election

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