Vengeful Citizens, Violent States

Stein, Rachel M.

doi:10.1017/9781108686266

Cited by 12 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 320 publications

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“…The experiment indicated that, 4. Bell and Quek 2018;Chaudoin 2014;Chu 2019;Flores-Macías and Kreps 2017;Gelpi, Feaver, and Reifler 2009;Herrmann 2017;Herrmann, Tetlock, and Visser 1999;Johns andDavies 2012, 2014;Kertzer and Brutger 2016;Kertzer et al 2014;Levendusky and Horowitz 2012;McDermott and Hatemi 2017;Milner and Tingley 2016;Prather 2019;Press, Sagan, and Valentino 2013;Stein 2019;Tingley 2017;Tomz 2007;Tomz and Weeks 2013;Trager and Vavreck 2011;Weiss andDafoe 2019. 5.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Public Opinion and Decisions About Military Force in Democracies

Tomz¹,

Weeks²,

Yarhi-Milo³

2019

Int Org

167

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Many theories of international relations assume that public opinion exerts a powerful effect on foreign policy in democracies. Previous research, based on observational data, has reached conflicting conclusions about this foundational assumption. We use experiments to examine two mechanisms—responsiveness and selection—through which opinion could shape decisions about the use of military force. We tested responsiveness by asking members of the Israeli parliament to consider a crisis in which we randomized information about public opinion. Parliamentarians were more willing to use military force when the public was in favor and believed that contravening public opinion would entail heavy political costs. We tested selection by asking citizens in Israel and the US to evaluate parties/candidates, which varied randomly on many dimensions. In both countries, security policy proved as electorally significant as economic and religious policy, and far more consequential than nonpolicy considerations such as gender, race, and experience. Overall, our experiments in two important democracies imply that citizens can affect policy by incentivizing incumbents and shaping who gets elected.

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mentioning

confidence: 99%

Public Opinion and Decisions About Military Force in Democracies

Tomz¹,

Weeks²,

Yarhi-Milo³

2019

Int Org

167

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…33. Several studies have identified support for the death penalty as a significant determinant of support for the use of force (Stein 2019;Liberman 2006). Although the United States is the only country of the three to retain the death penalty for murder, majorities of subjects in all countries in our sample (66% in the U.S., 61% in Israel and 52% in the UK) express support for the policy.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 82%

Inconstant Care: Public Attitudes Towards Force Protection and Civilian Casualties in the United States, United Kingdom, and Israel

Dill

Sagan

Valentino

2022

Journal of Conflict Resolution

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The choice between protecting friendly soldiers or foreign civilians is a critical strategic dilemma faced in modern war. Prevailing theories suggest that casualties among both groups depress war support in Western democratic societies. Yet we know little about how ordinary citizens balance force protection and civilian casualty avoidance, and whether public opinion differs across Western democracies. Using survey experiments, we test three micro-foundations for what we call individuals’ “harm-transfer preferences:” self-interest, perception of soldiers’ consent to risk-taking, and nationalism. We find that respondents’ perception of soldiers’ consent and respondents’ nationalism explain individual-level variation in harm-transfer preferences. Moreover, Israeli citizens are significantly more likely than American or British citizens to prefer protecting friendly forces over avoiding foreign civilian casualties. This is associated with higher levels of nationalism and the perceptions that soldiers do not consent to risking their lives in Israel compared to the United States and the United Kingdom.

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“…Kertzer (2016) shows that four specific dispositional attributes influence individuals' willingness to fight: time horizons, risk tolerance, concern with honor, and willpower. Others have identified casualty tolerance, revenge, concern with perceptions, and madness as dispositional attributes that influence sensitivity to the costs of fighting (Brutger and Kertzer 2018;Dafoe and Caughey 2016;Kertzer and Brutger 2016;Kreps and Maxey 2018;McManus 2019;Stein 2019;Yarhi-Milo 2018).…”

Section: The Determinants Of International Reputations For Resolvementioning

confidence: 99%

The Domestic Sources of International Reputation

2022

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Existing research finds that leaders develop international reputations based on their past behavior on the international stage. We argue that leaders’ domestic choices can also influence their international reputations, perhaps as much as their past foreign policy decisions do. Using formal theory and intuitive argumentation, we develop an overarching framework to predict how much any domestic choice will affect a leader’s international reputation. We theorize that certain domestic choices can inform expectations about future international crisis behavior based on the extent to which (1) the costs at stake are similar to those of an international crisis and (2) the domestic issue is salient relative to foreign policy. We use conjoint experiments and other evidence to show that many domestic choices have significant international reputational effects. There is some evidence that the reputational effect of certain domestic choices may equal that of fighting in a previous international crisis.

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Vengeful Citizens, Violent States

Cited by 12 publications

References 320 publications

Public Opinion and Decisions About Military Force in Democracies

Public Opinion and Decisions About Military Force in Democracies

Inconstant Care: Public Attitudes Towards Force Protection and Civilian Casualties in the United States, United Kingdom, and Israel

The Domestic Sources of International Reputation

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