2015
DOI: 10.1007/s10797-015-9382-z
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Voters prefer more qualified mayors, but does it matter for public finances? Evidence for Germany

Abstract: Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in… Show more

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Cited by 46 publications
(21 citation statements)
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“…Articles investigating the influence of candidates' personal valence indicate that if voters consider such aspects, politicians have a potential leeway in their decisions (see Groseclose, 2001;Adams et al, 2010;Padovano, 2013). Apart from pure electoral competition (see Downs, 1957aDowns, , 1957b, legislative choices and the behavior of politicians may be explained by other factors, such as gender (see Gagliarducci and Paserman, 2012;Stadelmann et al, 2014), having daughters (see Washington, 2008), links to civil service (see Braendle and Stutzer, 2010), education (see Ruske, 2015), and numerous other socioeconomic characteristics and preferences (see, e.g., Ågren et al, 2007;Padovano and Ricciutti, 2009;Freier and Thomasius, 2012;Okulicz-Kozaryn, 2014). Important contributions in political science and sociology turned their attention relatively early to the question of whether military service and know-how specific to the use of force affect the political willingness to support military action (see Huntington, 1957;Nordlinger, 1977).…”
Section: Related Literature and Theoretical Considerationsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Articles investigating the influence of candidates' personal valence indicate that if voters consider such aspects, politicians have a potential leeway in their decisions (see Groseclose, 2001;Adams et al, 2010;Padovano, 2013). Apart from pure electoral competition (see Downs, 1957aDowns, , 1957b, legislative choices and the behavior of politicians may be explained by other factors, such as gender (see Gagliarducci and Paserman, 2012;Stadelmann et al, 2014), having daughters (see Washington, 2008), links to civil service (see Braendle and Stutzer, 2010), education (see Ruske, 2015), and numerous other socioeconomic characteristics and preferences (see, e.g., Ågren et al, 2007;Padovano and Ricciutti, 2009;Freier and Thomasius, 2012;Okulicz-Kozaryn, 2014). Important contributions in political science and sociology turned their attention relatively early to the question of whether military service and know-how specific to the use of force affect the political willingness to support military action (see Huntington, 1957;Nordlinger, 1977).…”
Section: Related Literature and Theoretical Considerationsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…8 Studies document that the educational and professional backgrounds of the head of government can also matter to reforms (Dreher et al, 2009), growth (Besley et al, 2011;Neumeier, 2018), and public deficits (Hayo and Neumeier, 2016). Only a few studies are less optimistic and present rather mixed findings (Hayo and Neumeier, 2014;Moessinger, 2014;Freier and Thomasius, 2016). Our results, by contrast, suggest that expertise can enable professionals to cater their profession.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 65%
“…This share shrinks to only 5% when we exclude the city state of Hamburg.30 A substantial number of coalition governments rely on a single-seat margin in parliament, for example, Schleswig-Holstein (2012, left-wing government), Lower Saxony (2013, left-wing government), Thuringia (2014, left-wing government), North Rhine-Westphalia (2017, right-wing government), and Hesse (2018, Conservatives and Green party), to name only a few. In tight political races, parliamentary majorities arguably depend on exogenous events that drive the voting decision of the pivotal voter(Ferreira and Gyourko, 2009;Freier and Thomasius, 2016). For example, conservative parties benefit from rainfall on election day(Arnold and Freier, 2016) but may suffer from longer opening hours of polling stations(Potrafke and Roesel, 2020).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Freier () estimates party incumbency effects in the order of 38–40 percentage points in the probability of winning the next mayoral election. In a related paper, Freier and Thomasius () find that more qualified candidates receive higher vote shares. Furthermore, social‐democratic mayors seem to reduce local taxes, while conservative mayors increase taxes (Freier and Odendahl, ).…”
mentioning
confidence: 93%