War, Wealth and the Formation of States

Boix, Carles; Codenotti, Bruno; Resta, Giovanni

doi:10.1007/978-3-642-19519-8_3

Cited by 9 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…The second half of this paper provides evidence in favor of the set of what I call "economic" theories. This scholarship reemerged with the work of Hendrik Spruyt (Spruyt 1994a;b) and builds upon the political sociology of Stein Rokkan and economic history of Henri Pirenne in viewing the development of the territorial state in some places (and its absence in others) as the consequence of variation in the dominant social coalitions that formed from changing patterns of trade and economic development (Eisenstadt andRokkan 1973, Rokkan 1975;1980, Rokkan and Urwin 1982, North and Thomas 1973, Anderson 1974. Broadly, these theories find that economic changes which empowered new social groups relative to existing actors can best explain observed patterns of European state formation.…”

Section: Heavily Influenced By the Work Of Charles Tilly And Dating Tmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Common to these accounts is the idea that variation in the economic resources available to groups explain the type and size of state capable of existing. Indeed, recent work has shown that geographically small and urban city-states could far easier and earlier construct financial instruments necessary to purchase the means of defense required to survive interstate competition (Stasavage 2011a;b).…”

Section: Heavily Influenced By the Work Of Charles Tilly And Dating Tmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Economic Origins of the Territorial State

Abramson

2016

Int Org

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This paper challenges the long-standing belief that changes in patterns of war and war making caused the emergence of large territorial states. Using new data describing the universe of European states between 1100 and 1790, I find that small political units continued to thrive well into the “age of the territorial state.” Some scholars have argued that changes in the production of violence led to the dominance of geographically large political units during this era. In contrast, I find evidence that variation in patterns of economic development and urban growth caused fragmented political authority in some places and the construction of geographically large territorial states in others. Exploiting random climatic deviations in the propensity of certain geographical areas to support large populations, I show via an instrumental-variables approach that the emergence of towns and cities caused the formation of small and independent states.

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Section: Heavily Influenced By the Work Of Charles Tilly And Dating Tmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Heavily Influenced By the Work Of Charles Tilly And Dating Tmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Economic Origins of the Territorial State

Abramson

2016

Int Org

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“…Boix et al . () argue that any group engaging in conflict will face both fixed and variable costs. In our model, so far, we have just considered the variable costs.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The fixed costs may reflect, among others, the costs involved in forming the groups, and the minimum physical infrastructure that may be needed to run a conflict. Boix et al (2011) argue that any group engaging in conflict will face both fixed and variable costs. In our model, so far, we have just considered the variable costs.…”

Section: Fixed Costmentioning

confidence: 99%

Group Inequality and Conflict

Dutta

Madden

Mishra

2013

The Manchester School

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This paper presents a theoretical model to show how distributional concerns can engender social conflict. We have a two-period model that highlights the crucial role of future inequality. Equality of assets and income in the current period does not stop conflict from arising the anticipated future inequality is significant. Further we find that the impact of inequality on conflict is not straightforward. Societies with low levels of inequality show no conflict; groups engage in conflict only when inequality exceeds a certain threshold level. Additionally the model shows that the link between inequality and conflict may be non-monotonic.

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“…Whether neoclassical scholarship represents “theory” in the proper sense is an issue that has been debated fully elsewhere (Elman 1996; Waltz 1996; Rose 1998). But neoclassical research is a vibrant and promising area of inquiry and advances the standards of classical realists; along with realist thought on other levels of analysis, it also gives the lie to critics who bemoan the “inherent theoretical poverty of realism” (Boix, Codenotti, and Resta 2006:6) or its “impoverished conceptions of human motives” (Lebow 2006:438).…”

Section: Implications and Extensions: Corrupting The Classics?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Elder Abuse: How the Moderns Mistreat Classical Realism1

Parent

Baron

2011

International Studies Review

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Neorealists narrate their origins by explaining that classical realists committed a multitude of sins and were therefore displaced. The classics unscientifically explained world politics primarily through individual-level characteristics, typically a will to power that drove state behavior and international outcomes. In short, classical realism was inadequately structural and theoretical; thus, neorealists revised them by prioritizing structural factors and putting the paradigm on sound scientific footing. We argue that this narrative is generally incorrect. Classical realists were supremely structural and competently theoretical. Consequently, the realist tradition has much more continuity and richness than presently believed.

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War, Wealth and the Formation of States

Cited by 9 publications

References 15 publications

The Economic Origins of the Territorial State

The Economic Origins of the Territorial State

Group Inequality and Conflict

Elder Abuse: How the Moderns Mistreat Classical Realism1

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