Weavers and dealers: the authenticity of an oriental carpet

Spooner, Brian

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511819582.009

Cited by 150 publications

(50 citation statements)

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“…Rather, it is a quality that is culturally constructed and varies according to who is observing an object and in what context. Objects, and indeed non-material dimensions of culture, become embedded in regimes of meaning and exchange, such as those framing heritage conservation and management (Holtorf 2005;Phillips 1997), heritage tourism (Bruner 2005;Handler and Gable 1997), and the international art market (Errington 1988;Spooner 1986). Experts in various guisesconnoisseurs, dealers, art historians, archaeologists, conservators and heritage managersalso actively produce and negotiate these regimes of value, thus mediating the authenticity of specific objects.…”

Section: The Problem With Authenticitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Experiencing Authenticity at Heritage Sites: Some Implications for Heritage Management and Conservation

Jones

2009

Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites

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Abstract:This article summarises the results from recent research focusing on the experience and negotiation of authenticity in relation to the historic environment. I argue that approaches to authenticity are still hampered by a prevailing dichotomy between materialist approaches (which see authenticity as inherent in the object) and constructivist approaches (which see it as a cultural construct). This dichotomy means that we have a relatively poor understanding of how people experience authenticity in practice at heritage sites and why they find the issue of authenticity so compelling. Drawing on ethnographic research in Scotland and Nova Scotia I show that the experience of authenticity is bound up with the network of tangible and intangible relationships that heritage objects invoke with past people and places. I argue that it is these inalienable relationships between objects, people and places that underpin the ineffable power of authenticity, and this also explains why people use ideas about authenticity as a means to negotiate their own place in the world. A summary of the main thesis developed out of this research is provided with short case examples. The article then highlights the implications for practices of heritage management and conservation.

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Section: The Problem With Authenticitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Experiencing Authenticity at Heritage Sites: Some Implications for Heritage Management and Conservation

Jones

2009

Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites

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“…At the same time, because commodities are produced through concrete social relations within particular regimes of value, when they enter the market, the concrete values that they acquire within these regimes increase their value in market terms. For example, the "authenticity" of a rug produced in a Turkish village as part of a dowry bestows on it added market value when it reaches a New York gallery (Spooner 1988; see also Villarreal 2014 on the need to provide tourists in Chiapas an "authentic" experience). More generally, the question is whether and how multiple concrete values crystallize in a unique value in exchange.…”

Section: Valuementioning

confidence: 99%

Crisis, Value, and Hope: Rethinking the Economy

Narotzky¹,

Besnier²

2014

Current Anthropology

285

153

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Crisis, value, and hope are three concepts whose intersection and mutual constitution open the door for a rethinking of the nature of economic life away from abstract models divorced from the everyday realities of ordinary people, the inadequacies of which the current world economic crisis has exposed in particularly dramatic fashion. This rethinking seeks to bring to center stage the complex ways in which people attempt to make life worth living for themselves and for future generations, involving not only waged labor but also structures of provisioning, investments in social relations, relations of trust and care, and a multitude of other forms of social action that mainstream economic models generally consider trivial, marginal, and often counterproductive. A holistic understanding of how people organize their economic lives is attentive to both the temporality of value and the relationship between different scales of value. It is attentive to the spatial configuration of economic life in many societies in which the future has become synonymous with geographical mobility. It is attentive to the fact that making a living is about making people in their physical, social, spiritual, affective, and intellectual dimensions.Rethinking the economy is an ambitious project, and the selection of the three themes of crisis, value, and hope with which we seek to open up a broader debate is an indication of the starting point: the crude realities of the many, those of ordinary people. The focus on "common" or "ordinary" people highlights the fact that those whose decision-making capacities are restricted by their limited assets, be it in terms of wealth or power, are nevertheless capable of developing sometimes complex individual or collective strategies to enhance their own well-being and the well-being of future generations. Here we define "well-being" as the accomplishment of socially reasonable expectations of material and emotional comfort that depend on access to the diverse resources needed to attain them. The context of a breakdown of expectations that the global crisis has produced in many regions of the world has reconfigured values and reshuffled the frameworks of moral obligation. As a result, the imagining of possible futures and how to make them happen has also changed. The

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“…The meanings associated with and conveyed by marks is another matter. In 18 th century carpet trade, appellations like 'Bukhara' and 'Turkman' were more accurate of commercial provenance rather than provenance of production (Spooner, 1986). In the sense, a variety of carpets were clubbed together by their shared point of entry into trade routes.…”

Section: Evidence In the 12mentioning

confidence: 99%

Remaking Place: The Social Construction of a Geographical Indication for Feni

Rangnekar

2011

Environ Plan A

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Abstract*A range of social movements mobilise around and seek to valorise 'place-based' imageries. There is, these movements argue, vitality in place. As anthropologists remind us, people continue to construct some form of boundaries around place, however permeable and transient those boundaries might be. In the context of global agrifood, a diversity of socially generated marks indicating conditions of origin have emerged that seek to speak to a range of moral economies. Within this constellation, Geographical Indications (GIs) appears as a remarkable place-based intellectual property which the article appreciates as the juridical reification of a placed-based stabilisation of cultural norms. However, rather than idealise GIs, the paper also probes a 'politics in place' through a fieldwork-based study of a recently acquired GI for Feni, a liquor distilled from either coconut of cashew apples. Juxtaposing observations of Feni distilling with the specifications that constitute the GI, the paper explains these differences in terms of the local social relations of power. The Goa government aligned itself with the recently established Feni Association, mainly composed of large distillers with bottling operations, to acquire the GI and was successful because of the complicity of the GI Registry office.

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Weavers and dealers: the authenticity of an oriental carpet

Cited by 150 publications

References 0 publications

Experiencing Authenticity at Heritage Sites: Some Implications for Heritage Management and Conservation

Experiencing Authenticity at Heritage Sites: Some Implications for Heritage Management and Conservation

Crisis, Value, and Hope: Rethinking the Economy

Remaking Place: The Social Construction of a Geographical Indication for Feni

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