West Edmonton Mall as a Centre for Social Interaction

Abstract

The emergence of a mega‐mall ‐ with its increased scale, size, and ensuing annexation of much of a city's retail and social life ‐ intensifies the need for research about the social functions of shopping centres. Profiles of mall social life are necessary to understand the larger geographical, legal, political, and social issues accompanying the proliferation of such privately owned, publicly used indoor urban environments. Social interaction at West Edmonton Mall (wem) is characterized through an examination of its physical design and operation and an assessment of attitudes and uses of its local patrons, including adolescent ‘ma/ies. wem is not as successful in orchestrating visitor satisfaction as one might expect, due partly to the amplification of tension between mall owners I designers and the desire of local residents to engage the mega‐mall on their own terms.

Introducing gender to the critique of privatized public space

“…The individual in privatized space may be portrayed as preoccupied with self-gratification through leisure. This emphasis is revealed in the types of places discussed: Disneyland figures prominently (Sorkin, 1992a;Soja, 1996;Huxtable, 1997), as does Canada's colossal West Edmonton Mall (Hopkins, 1991;Crawford, 1992), among other tourist destinations. Every day, privatized public spaces-restaurants, garage sales and movie theatres-warrant less attention.…”

“…Spontaneous exchanges among strangers are said to decline, as privatized public spaces usurp and squash 'street life', without generating equivalent community and social interaction (Lewis, 1990;Kent & Madden, 1994; Project for Public Spaces, no date). Privatized spaces are charged with encouraging passivity, and with controlling public behaviour to ensure compliance and predictability (Hopkins, 1991;Boyer, 1992;Huxtable, 1997).…”

Centra handlowe jako przestrzenie hybrydowe

“…W literaturze przedmiotu określa się centra handlowe m.in. jako "przestrzenie prywatne udostępnione publicznie" (Chmielewski 2004), "przestrzenie prywatne publicznie użytkowane" (Hopkins 1991), "prywatne przestrzenie publiczne" (Racoń--Leja 2007), "prywatne przestrzenie konsumpcji" (Bauman 2000), "substytuty przestrzeni publicznej (…), które nie są przestrzeniami publicznymi, lecz terenami prywatnymi, jedynie publicznie użytkowanymi" (Ghirardo 1999), "hermetyczne atria próbujące naśladować otwarte przestrzenie publiczne", "przekryte przestrzenie publiczne" 3 (Racoń-Leja 2007), "przestrzenie quasi--publiczne" (Pancewicz 2010;Tyndall 2010), "publiczno-prywatne hybrydy" (Kohn 2004). Ten krótki przegląd określeń terenów centrów handlowych pokazuje, że często nie są one traktowane jako czysta forma przestrzeni publicznej, tylko jako obszary, na których doszło do "zawłaszczenia przestrzeni publicznej (…), komercjalizacji przestrzeni" (Mironowicz 2010), "uzurpacji funkcjonalnej polegającej na zawłaszczaniu przestrzeni publicznych przez inwestorów prywatnych" (Kwiatkowski 2010).…”

A mall for all? Race and public space in post-apartheid Cape Town

“…54 Hopkins goes further by extending the enquiry to what he calls 'the social functions of shopping centers' and asking 'whether the mega-mall represents a new form of social centre.' 55 In his 1991 article, significantly entitled 'West Edmonton Mall as centre for social interaction,' he shows that the mega-mall is indeed 'used as a place to mingle and socialize.' 56 The Victoria & Alfred Waterfront, Cape Town's most emblematic mall, is undoubtedly the best place for our inquiry.…”

“…Interestingly, our observations are very similar to those Hopkins made in the Canadian West Edmonton Mall: 'WEM is often used more as a place to wander, to socialize -to mallinger -than simply as a place to make purchases and quickly depart.' 79 The Waterfront also contains an element of the extraordinary as Black South Africans with their history of isolation and townships of deprivation enjoy the aesthetic experience and international buzz. In the interviews, it also became obvious that the patrons and shop managers of V&A perceived the place differently.…”