What are the Consequences of Consociationalism for Sexual Minorities? An analysis of Liberal and Corporate Consociationalism and Sexual Minorities in Northern Ireland and Lebanon

Abstract

Existing research on consociationalism largely debates whether or not it exacerbates ethnic cleavages. Yet, although power sharing in some circumstances can harden ethnonational identities, a correlative consequence may be to further marginalise groups outside the bounds of official inclusion. While an emerging corpus of literature looks at women and power sharing, little research has been done regarding the implications of power sharing for sexual minorities. I argue in this article that consociationalism does impact on sexual minorities in complex ways. To account for variations in types of consociationalism, I examine two divergent forms -liberal and corporate -that demonstrate differences in relation to sexual minorities. Thus, I compare sexual minorities within Northern Ireland's liberal structure with those in Lebanon's corporate form. I find that differences between liberal and corporate consociations generate important, albeit complicated, implications for sexual minorities.

The plight of civic parties in divided societies

“…In spite of their under-theorisation civic political actors are neither confined to the margins nor, as Nagle (2016) has likewise argued, devoid of agency. Civic parties are those that attempt to draw support from and represent all significant groups in a divided society, to the exclusion of none.…”

“…Indeed, the contentious issue of the Irish language, protections for which were provided for in Northern Ireland’s consociational agreements, has required careful navigation by civic parties, with Alliance facing accusations of ‘treason’ from some unionist politicians for its support for an Irish Language Act (interview with Alliance representative, 2018). In the case of Lebanon, Nagle (2016) observes that cultural autonomy has created an inhospitable terrain for civic actors, with morality issues, such as sexuality, devolved to religious leaders via personal status laws.…”

Between Co-Option and Radical Opposition: A Comparative Analysis of Power-Sharing on Gender Equality and LGBTQ rights in Northern Ireland and Lebanon

“…Little research, however, considers the relationship between consociationalism and Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender (LGBTQ) rights. 5 This omission is surprising in light of work that demonstrates the specific ways homophobia has become major expressions of societal hate in some post-conflict societies. 6 Towards addressing these gaps, we examine the implications of consociationalism on both gender equality and LGBTQ rights.…”

The Use and Abuse of Veto Rights in Power-Sharing Systems: Northern Ireland’s Petition of Concern in Comparative Perspective

“…One Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) member argued in the legislative debate on marriage equality that the LGBT community ‘is being deliberately used by some parties in the House for perceived political advantage’ (Hansard, 2 November 2015) 10 . Sinn Féin has consciously extended the language of parity of esteem to sexual minorities, suggesting that they know what it feels like to be ‘treated as second-class citizens’ (Nagle 2015). They, in conjunction with other parties including the SDLP, tabled five motions on marriage equality in the 2011–16 period, all of which have been vetoed by the DUP 11 .…”