Who Does What in a Household after Genocide? Evidence from Rwanda

Abstract

Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in AbstractThis paper investigates the determinants of intra-household time allocation in post-war Rwanda. A decade after the 1994 genocide, Rwanda still bears the demographic impact of the war, in which at least 800,000 people died and the majority of casualties were adult males. The paper explores two unique features: exogenous variation in household types and large variation in regional cohort-specific sex ratios. Results indicate that, first, exposure to violence and male death can be a trigger of change in gender roles. Second, there is little flexibility to negotiate responsibilities within the household. Third, the local marriage market impacts the division of labor. Young, unmarried women engage more intensely in typical female activities when the shortage of men is severe. Conforming to the female gender role may be a strategy to improve their chances to marry.

Violent Conflict and Gender Inequality: An Overview

“…In line with the above findings on economic shocks, a study in Rwanda (Schindler 2010) observed increased labor intensity among teenage girls and adult women in districts with low sex ratios, indicating the absence of males as result of the war. Fernandez, Ibanez, and Pena (2011) found that better-off agricultural households that are targets of violence in Colombia expand their labor market supply and shift to off-farm employment to compensate for the decline in household income produced by the violent shock.…”

“…Widow-headed households have a higher incidence of poverty and extreme poverty when compared to male-headed households, but they show a less pronounced gender division of labor, suggesting that the conflict triggered a change in traditional gender roles within the home. Schindler (2010) also showed that the work intensity of teenage girls, adult women, and widows is significantly higher in conflict regions with fewer males in the population, holding household wealth and community infrastructure constant (Schindler 2010).…”

How Legacies of Genocide Are Transmitted in the Family Environment: A Qualitative Study of Two Generations in Rwanda

“…Our findings confirm the profound effects of the genocide and its aftermath on individuals, families and communities in Rwanda [22,34,[37][38][39]. Mothers testified to experiencing and witnessing many traumatizing events, and to bearing the psychological, physical, social and economic consequences of the past violence.…”

“…Also, a recent study on post-genocide traumatization showed that women reported more traumatic experiences than men [32]. Moreover, most people killed during the genocide were men [6] and many other men were tried and imprisoned on genocide related charges [33,34]. This has affected the sex ratio in Rwandan households and society at large [35].…”

Before my time? Addressing the intergenerational legacies of the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda

“…As a consequence of the killings and mass incarceration, the sex ratio and traditional gender roles in Rwandan society have been significantly modified (Rutayisire & Richters, 2014). Women had to step into the void left by men and attend to roles traditionally occupied by men (Schindler, 2010). In addition, many women had to provide for their husbands who were and sometimes still are detained, often in poor conditions (Tertsakian, 2004).…”