Who Votes for Natural Resources in California?

Press, Daniel

doi:10.1080/08941920309170

Cited by 12 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…Before specifying the statistical model, however, it is important to address a variety of statistical issues associated with our data set, including issues related to aggregate data analysis and pooling data across time and space. First, an extended scholarship has established that aggregate relationships between variables do not imply individual relationships (King, 1997; Press, 2003) and thus we want to make clear that the aggregate statistical analysis is only appropriate for making aggregate‐level inferences. While research on U.S. voting behavior indicates that aggregate‐level voting data are often quite similar to individual voting data (Fischel, 1979), we take problems associated with the ecological fallacy seriously.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Beyond the effects of economic factors on preference for environmental goods, a considerable number of studies have examined the effect of sociological and political factors on environmental preferences. Press (2003) evaluates preference for environmental goods in California and finds that partisanship is the single most successful predictor of environmental preference. Dunlap, Xiao, and McCright (2001) found that partisanship was a strong indicator of environmental preference, while Uyeki and Holland (2000) show that ideology and partisanship had a significant impact on three sets of pro‐environment attitudes.…”

Section: Relevant Literaturementioning

confidence: 99%

“…A number of recent studies have examined environmental voting behavior by using county‐level election returns (cf. Kahn and Matsusaka, 1997; Press, 2003). Most of these studies use a single state or region to test their arguments, thus limiting the general applicability of the extant literature.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Voting Green^*

Coan

Holman

2008

Social Science Quarterly

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Objectives. Economics, partisanship, and demographics have all been identified as linked to support for environmental protection. The principal objective of this study is to extend the extant literature by using a larger data set and a variety of methods. Methods. We use variety of statistical methods to test measures of party strength, demographics, and economics against county-level data from 29 environmental initiative elections in 13 states. Results. Democratic partisanship is the most consistent predictor of aggregate support for environmental measures. This trend holds through pooled, individual-level, and ecological inference analysis. Median family income and income squared are consistently significant, as is education. Conclusion. Based on these data, we reach three general conclusions. First, while several variables are consistently significant, party strength is the most consistent predictor of pro-environmental voting across states and initiatives. Second, our analyses suggest that limiting analyses to data from a single state or region may have important implications for statistical inferences. Lastly, a preliminary analysis using methods of ecological inference suggests that the aggregate results are robust to ecological problems.A number of recent studies have examined environmental voting behavior by using county-level election returns (cf. Kahn and Matsusaka, 1997;Press, 2003). Most of these studies use a single state or region to test their arguments, thus limiting the general applicability of the extant literature. We expand on the extant literature in three ways: first, we use a national sample of 29 initiatives from 13 states. Second, we demonstrate that using a limited data set can have serious inferential implications. Finally, we show that although using aggregate-level data exposes researchers to the potential for an ecological fallacy, new techniques and a careful examination of the data provide additional confidence in aggregate-level results. These findings generally show consistent aggregate relationships across analyses and suggest that aggregate empirical results are essential to making general theoretical claims. We begin our analysis with a review of the literature, followed by n Direct correspondence to Mirya Holman, 2808 Lexington St., Durham, NC 27707 hmirya.holman.@cgu.edui. Mirya Holman will share all data and coding information with those who wish to replicate this study.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Relevant Literaturementioning

confidence: 99%

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Voting Green^*

Coan

Holman

2008

Social Science Quarterly

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“…Among the most consistent predictors of environmental concern are political ideology and party identification. Numerous studies have consistently demonstrated that Democrats and politically more liberal individuals tend to express stronger environmental attitudes than do Republicans and ideological conservatives (Carman, 1998;Dunlap, Xiao, and McCright, 2001;Guber, 2003;Kanagy, Humphrey, and Firebaugh, 1994;Klineberg, McKeever, and Rothenbach, 1998;Press, 2003;Uyeki and Holland, 2000;Van Liere and Dunlap, 1980). In addition, younger and better-educated segments of the U.S. public tend to express more pro-environmental attitudes (e.g., Carman, 1998;Kanagy, Humphrey, and Firebaugh, 1994;Klineberg, McKeever, and Rothenbach, 1998;Xiao and Dunlap, 2007).…”

Section: Measuring Environmental Policy Attitudesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Environmental Policy Attitudes: Issues, Geographical Scale, and Political Trust^*

Konisky

Milyo

Richardson

2008

Social Science Quarterly

209

124

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Objectives. This article examines environmental policy attitudes, focusing on the differences in preferences across issue type (i.e., pollution, resource preservation) and geographical scale (i.e., local, national, global). In addition, we study whether an individual's trust in government influences environmental policy attitudes. Methods. Analyzing data from the 2007 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we estimate a series of OLS regression models to examine the public's environmental policy attitudes. Results. We find stronger public support for government action to address pollution issues than resources issues, and stronger support for local and national pollution abatement than dealing with global problems. We also find that Republicans and ideological conservatives are less likely to support further government effort to address the environment, and that more trusting individuals are more favorable to government action to address pollution and global issues. Conclusion. Environmental policy attitudes vary by the nature of the issue; however, political ideology and partisan affiliation are consistent predictors of preferences across issues, even when controlling for an individual's level of trust in government.

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“…As a consequence, measures to maintain landscape quality around growing urban centers are important on political agendas. This recent development is perhaps best illustrated by the large numbers of amenity-related referenda in highly developed regions of the United States and Switzerland (Kline 2006;Kline and Wichelns 1994;Kotchen and Powers 2006;Nelson et al 2007;Press 2003;Schläpfer and Hanley 2003;Schläpfer and Witzig 2006;Solecki et al 2004).…”

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confidence: 99%

Demand for Landscape Management: Regulation Versus Financing

Schulz

Schläpfer

2008

Society & Natural Resources

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Who Votes for Natural Resources in California?

Cited by 12 publications

References 9 publications

Voting Green^*

Voting Green^*

Environmental Policy Attitudes: Issues, Geographical Scale, and Political Trust^*

Demand for Landscape Management: Regulation Versus Financing

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Who Votes for Natural Resources in California?

Cited by 12 publications

References 9 publications

Voting Green*

Voting Green*

Environmental Policy Attitudes: Issues, Geographical Scale, and Political Trust*

Demand for Landscape Management: Regulation Versus Financing

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About

Voting Green^*

Voting Green^*

Environmental Policy Attitudes: Issues, Geographical Scale, and Political Trust^*